CNY-Cajibio Sister Community Delegation: August 3-12, 2007
Our delegation began in our sister community in Cajibio, where we spent three days, and ended in Bogota, where we spoke with many people, including politicians and activists. This document summarizes what we did and learned while we were there.
Notes from Meetings in Cajibio:
08/04/07- Victims' Families: La Rejoya and La Pedregosa
Present: many family members of victims of the La Rejoya and La Pedregosa massacres, as well as their lawyer, Omar, from the organization MINGA, a national Colombian human rights lawyers group. Marylen facilitated.
This meeting centered around a discussion of the Law of Justice and Peace, which is the framework for the paramilitary demobilizations, and a discussion of how to move the cases of the massacres of La Rejoya and La Pedregosa.
Law 975: "Law of Justice and Peace": Omar the lawyer gave a talk on this topic. According to him, there are several problems with the law. For example, the law does not establish a process for assuring reparations to the victims of paramilitary atrocities. He referred to the demobilization process as a "political process" and said that the process is being controlled by the paramilitaries rather than by the fiscal (office in Colombia similar to Attorney General). He said there is an attitude that the victims are asking for too much- that the paramilitaries have confessed to their crimes, therefore filling their responsibility. He said there is legal recognition of victims' rights, but that it is only in theory, not in reality.
The response of social justice groups has been diverse. There is a need to organize more at the regional and national levels to demand reparations. Groups are working on a counterproposal because victims are being excluded from the process. He feels that the Law of Justice and Peace is revictimizing the victims, "cleansing" history without taking responsibility for what happened.
In terms of what can be done, there is a need for direct reparations to the victims, rather than being passed through government or nonprofit agencies. He also mentioned pressuring the US to revoke visas to those involved. Finally, the group is talking about the possibility of bringing cases out of Colombia to the Inter-American Commission/ Court.
Moving the Cases Forward: The next part of the meeting was expertly facilitated by Marylen. They began by brainstorming ways to move the massacre cases forward, as they are currently stalled in the Colombian court system. There was discussion about sending a representative to the US to testify before the Inter American Commission on Human Rights. Additionally, they discussed ways to keep the group in better communication, and to meet more often.
Commemorations of the massacres were held on November 24 (Pedregosa) and January 15th (La Rejoya). Regular meetings continue to be held among family members. Meetings and commemorations both serve to reclaim individual and collective memory over what has occurred. The importance of developing and maintaining links of international solidarity was also discussed. The idea of having a presence at Ft.Benning was raised. MCC will meet Sept 21 to bring together written histories and other documentation related to reclaiming memory and presenting cases to the IA Commission. This was followed by a discussion of how someone could be supported to go to the Inter American Commission. The group collectively agreed to what they could be expected to contribute. They then brainstormed criteria for who should be their representative. These included familiarity with the cases, with the history and the sociopolitical context, consideration of the entire group, and an awareness of all the work and potential risk the trip would entail. The group unanimously voted Dona Berta as their ideal representative.
Youth groups
We attended a meeting of youth groups from various communities in the Cajibio area. The meeting was focused on issues of water rights in the community. Each group of young people had put together a presentation relating to the topic of water. Presentations took various formats, including a mock news cast, a play, and a question and answer session. Others performed music, and the whole event was broadcast over the radio station, a major project of the youth groups.
Women's groups
The next day, we attended a meeting of women's groups from the various communities that make up the MCC. The focus of this event was the sustainable agricultural projects that the women have been involved in. Among the successes of these projects has been the production of diversified food crops, including many types of vegetables, instead of just sugar cane; increasing food security and family nutrition,; and building respect for the work of women in the community. At the meeting, women shared their successes and challenges, and exchanged suggestions for improving their plots. There was also a period of more intensive instruction. Following lunch, the entire group went on a tour of some of the local women's plots.
Mayor
We were able to briefly meet and introduce ourselves to the mayor of Cajibio who is a supporter of the MCC. Our meeting with him was overshadowed by the situation that developed with Smurfit Carton, however (see below), and so a further discussion was not possible.
Jafeth
The MCC is not only a political organization but also one which promotes campesino culture as well. One of their partners in this process of cultural reclamation is the artist Jafeth (LAST NAME???). His paintings center on themes of social justice and the life of the campesino- images of seeds growing, political protest, and various cultural symbols frequently appear in his work. One of Jafeth's paintings, an image of MCC leaders Marylen and John Henry at the head of a mobilization, graced the cover of the Syracuse Cultural Workers' annual peace calendar. We had the honor of meeting the artist and his family in his studio in Popayan. Later that evening, he invited us to the opening celebration of a new arts and cultural center called Semillas de Maiz (Seeds of Corn). This organization helps educate local children in the arts. The new center is amazing, constructed of local materials in traditional architectural styles.
Notes from meetings in Bogota:
Smurfit Carton de Colombia
Present: Hector Calderon (Social Projects Coordinator, Smurfit), Edgar Munoz (Judicial advisor, Smurfit), Miguel Fernandez (coordinator, CIMA), Wilmer _____ (from another Colombian NGO), Witness for Peace representative, MINGA representative, John Henry, Agapito
This meeting centered around addressing the incursion which occurred on Smurfit land during our time in Cajibio, in which trees were cut down. Following the incursion, the MCC was alerted that Smurfit was considering MCC leaders, John Henry in particular, to be responsible. In addition, rumors were circulating that Smurfit was firing its local guards and replacing them with paramilitaries. In this climate of anxiety, John Henry and the president of the MCC Board of Directors, Agapito, joined us at a previously scheduled meeting with Smurfit Carton. In addition to the incursion topics of discussion included issues of Smurfit's relationship to the community and the environment.
Incursions/ Threats: When confronted about the threats and rumors, Srs. Calderon and Munoz unequivocally denied that Smurfit held John Henry or the MCC responsible for the incursions. They denied having made any threats, and claimed that they have no problems with the MCC or its leaders. While they were hardly going to say anything else regardless of whatever the actual situation may be, it was at least an opportunity for members of the MCC to confront the corporation and for us and other organizations to show our solidarity and our interest in the MCC.
Smurfit and Land: One of the community's largest concerns with Smurfit is around the availability of land. Because Smurfit has been buying so much land in the community, land prices have increased dramatically, making land prohibitively expensive for most campesinos. Although community leaders had a verbal commitment from the company to stop buying land in Cajibio, Smurfit has continued to do so. At the meeting, the Smurfit officials denied the existance of the verbal agreement. They claimed that each time they purchased land, they first made sure that no campesino, indigenous, or Afro-Colombian group was in negotiations to purchase the land. In addition, they mentioned their role in providing employment in the community, and questioned why the MCC has to be so focused on land issues.
Sr. Agapito eloquently replied to these points, citing examples of Smurfit taking over land which campesinos were attempting to acquire. He also mentioned the mechanization of Smurfit's operations, which leads to them employing fewer people in the community. Further, he talked about the importance of land to the community, and to the culture and identity of the campesinos. Land is an especially important issue as more and more young people are leaving the community because their parents do not have enough land to divide among all their children.
Smurfit and Environment: Various people at the meeting also took Smurfit to task on their company's effects on the environment in Cajibio, particularly around issues of water. Smurfit's plantations of non-native pine and eucalyptus trees have been accused by campesinos of sucking the water table dry in the area. The Smurfit representatives claimed that, for some reason, the threes don't use as much water in Colombia as they do in other places, a fact which the experiences of people in the community contradicts.
Fiscalia
We went to meet with the Fiscal's office, similar to the Attorney General in the US court system. We attended the meeting together with family members of people who were killed in the Palace of Justice in 1985. At that time, guerillas had taken over the Palace of Justice (similar to the Supreme Court???). Governmental forces stormed the building, resulting in massive bloodshed and the killings of hostages. There is evidence that some of those hostages may have been killed by State forces, perhaps because they were witnesses to the killings that occurred inside. Present with us were the wife and daughter of one of the murdered workers, and the brother of another. They have been devoting their lives to the quest for justice over the deaths of their loved ones. This has been a dangerous road for them. After 13 years of work on their case, their lawyer was murdered- shot three times in his head in his office.
These people had come to the Fiscal's office to present a letter in support of their case written by Noam Chomsky. We waited in the small meeting room for over an hour, and were nearly ready to leave when he arrived. The letter was presented and he signed to show that he had received it. Our meeting was rushed and our reception a little chilly. The relatives will continue to work for justice for their family members, in the face of a cold, dismissive, and often dysfunctional court system.
Maria Isabel Nieto Jaramillo, Viceminister of the Interior
In our discussions with the Viceminister of the interior, the Law of Justice and Peace also played a prominent role. As a high-ranking member of the government, she was unsurprisingly in support of the process. Among the successes she cited of the law was that four years ago there were 400 mayors who could not work in their own municipalities due to threats from the paramilitaries and guerillas and today there are none. She, along with several other people we met with, referred to "emergent groups"- essentially demobilized paramilitaries who have returned to violence and intimidation and are often involved in drug trafficking. She claims that this represents a very small percentage of the demobilized paramilitary members. She also cited concerns that the structure of the paramilitary organizations may still be intact, and said that there is a need to destroy the structure and make sure that paramilitary leaders are not still organizing paramilitary operations from within jail. She also discussed reparations to the victims, citing a recent legal case in which the government was found accountable for violence towards the Nasa in the Cauca department. Under the Law of Justice and Peace, however, reparations are made from the paramilitary members, not the government.
The conversation was sometimes frustrating, as Ms. Nieto and the other governmental representative there, the Director of Human Rights, both stuck with the party line. However, a brief exchange at the end of the conversation was a potent reminder that all Colombians are affected by the war, no matter what their place in society. Maria was saying, "We are tired of war, so tired. There is not one person who has not been affected. My sister was kidnapped by guerillas. And you?" She turned to the Director of Human Rights.
"My brother was kidnapped," he said. "By the paramilitaries."
Carlos Gaviria (President of POLO) 08/10/07
Carlos Gaviria is the president of the POLO party and will most likely be their presidential candidate in the next election. We saw him speak at a conference the day before and met with him briefly in his office. In his speech at the conference he chided the left for not seriously addressing gay rights, women's rights and indigenous rights. He is very focused on promoting the unity of the various movements of the left, and is working towards building the POLO as a viable alternative political party.
Luis Jairo Ramirez (Comite por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos) 08/08/07
Sr. Ramirez discussed the Law of Justice and Peace with us. This law was a frequent topic of conversation throughout our visit. The law aims to demobilize the paramilitaries in exchange for various degrees of amnesty for crimes they may have committed. This law has deeply divided the Colombian left. Many consider the law to be a "law of impunity" and are refusing to participate in the demobilization process on the grounds that doing so only legitimizes an inherently corrupt process. Others have decided to participate on the grounds that at least this is something and that to fail to participate will only permit the process to be controlled completely by the government and military who they see as allied with the paramilitaries.
Sr. Ramirez mainly discussed the background of the law with us. Enacted in 2005, Law 975, or the Law of Justice and Peace, the law requires that paramilitaries must a) make a full confession of the crimes they have committed; b) return property that was taken illegally; and c) have some of their property confiscated to make reparations to the victims of paramilitary atrocities. One of the major unexpected results of the law has been that in their confessions, paramilitary members have implicated many people at very high levels of the Colombian government as complicit in paramilitary activities and financing. This has lead to much scandal and the imprisonment of 30 members of Congress. Many more are under investigation.
Gloria Cuartas 08/10/07
Gloria Cuartas is a leader of the leftist coalition party POLO. She discussed various topics including the Law of Justice and Peace, the status of women within the left, and the POLO party.
She addressed the status of the peace community San Jose de Apartado, which has been experiencing an increase in violence. Part of what has been happenning is that the Uribe government has been using the new rhetoric of terrorism, rather than that of war, to describe the situation in Colombia. This rhetoric not only legitimizes the actions of the state but also let's the government claim that in the absence of war, there is no need for a peace community. She emphasized the economic roots of the situation in Apartado- the community is located on a mountain, above which is coal. The community also lies on the route to the sea and all of Central America and as such is a strategic location in terms of the Plan Pueblo Panama. They are pressured from above and below, from guerillas, paramilitaries and State actors.
Gloria spoke hopefully about the rise of the POLO Democratico, the leftist political party. Not since the Union Patriotica has there been this degree of unity and consensus around a leftist political party. The mayor of Bogota is part of POLO.
Women within the POLO have created a women's newspaper within the party. The Newspaper is called La Pola, a feminization of POLO that is also the nickname for a radical young woman who was killed in the struggle for independence from Spain. There was some resistance from POLO men towards the creation of the paper, saying it was too soon, that it might cause divisions, etc. They were offered a page in the POLO paper, but they felt that they needed to have a voice of their own. As Sra. Cuartas put it, there is a need to reclaim a women's political language and experience of civil resistance in the country, not just women's social work.
Despite this unity, she spoke about the divisions that have occurred within the left, and within the women's movement in Colombia due to the Law of Justice and Peace. Part of the law established a Commission for reconciliation. The Uribe government recruited leaders from the left to participate in the Commission in order to lend the process legitimacy. ALthough many leftist organizations refused to participate, claiming that the process was inherently corrupt, some did choose to be involved, which has lead to a schism. Gloria is one of those who do not support the participation of the left in this process. She feels that the so-called reconciliation process does not truly hold those accountable responsible for the atrocities they have orchestrated.
Ana Teresa Bernal (Red de Paz)
Ana Teresa Bernal provided us with a very different perspective on the Law of Justice and Peace and the Commission established to carry it out. She is one of the leftist activists who did choose to participate in the process and has a seat on the Commission.
She has been participating, through the Commission, in a process of dialouge and negotiation for the last three years. She was adamant that participating in this process does not mean that she has lost her autonomy or her critical spirit, and that she is able to maintain her critical point of view from within this process.
She discussed the enormous political and logistical challenges of implementing the law, which requires investigations into the crimes committed by some 2700 leaders of the paramilitary movements. This involves collecting denunciations from the victims of these crimes, which she says guarantees the participation of the victims in this process, rather than simply allowing for impunity. Two other important aspects of the process are the recuperation of historical memory and bringing about reparations for the victims of the crimes. A major challenge of the process is to guarantee the safety of the victims who do testify, and particularly those who are attempting to reclaim land that was stolen from them.
An additional problem is that in some cases the paramilitaries are regrouping under new names. One in particular that we kept hearing about is known as the Agilas Negras (Black Eagles). Ana Teresa said, as we have heard many other people say, that although the paramilitaries have been disrupted by this process, the structure of their organizations have not truly been broken. However, she also talked about the ways in which this process has gone beyond the intentions of its creators, to take on a life of its own. There was not an expectation that the paramilitaries would name names at such high levels of government, and that so much collusion would be exposed. This is due in part to the fact that the current Attorney General seems to have more independence from government than previous ones. It is also because the paramilitaries have felt betrayed by the process, which they essentially expected to give them amnesty Instead, some of them are really doing time. They got angry at the government, which is why they started naming names in retaliation.
Another challenge in the process of reparations is in terms of who pays them. According to the law, they are supposed to come from the paramilitaries, and if the former paramilitaries cannot pay them, then they do not get paid. Ana Teresa is advocating that the state should pay them, as they are complicit in the crimes committed. She also believes that reparations need to be collective, as well as individual.
Yolanda Pulecio Betancourt (mother of Ingrid Betancourt)
Ingrid Betancourt was a presidential candidate and a member of the Colombian Congress who had vigorously fought corruption diring her time in office. Five years ago she was kidnapped by the FARC while campaigning for the presidency, along with her vice presidential candidate, Clara Rojas, who was recently released. Ms. Betancourt is still being held by the FARC. We met with her mother, Yolanda Pulecio, who has worked ceaselessly to obtain her daughter's release.
She, along with many family members of the more than 1000 people held hostage in Colombia, is in support of a Humanitarian Accord for their release. This accord would exchange various members of the FARC being held in prison for hostages held by the FARC. Neither side is making negotiations easy. One of the sticking points is that the Colombian government is refusing to grant the FARC a demilitarized zone in which the negotiations would occur. The government claims that this would allow the FARC to gain strength and build up their operations unhindered. In the mean time, the hostages continue in uncertain and difficult circumstances. Ms. Pulecio told us that her greatest fear is that the government will try to rescue her daughter- the FARC has a policy of killing any hostages for whom a rescue attempt is made.
Smurfit Meeting
Because of the importance of this meeting, I have included a transcription of the detailed notes I took throughout the meeting. I cannot guarantee their completeness or their absolute accuracy, as they were taken rapidly and through language interpretation. Still, they provide a record of what was said by the various parties involved in the meeting.
Jack: describes CSN, concerns with what Smurfit is doing, how it affects the campesinos, spoke about incursion. MCC has nothing to do with it, absolutely not related. This is not what they are doing. Not that we do not have disagreements with what Smurfit is doing. Mentioned agreement between Smurfit, MCC, MINGA, WFP, etc. Mentioned what is happening with water, pine plantations, etc.
Hector Calderon: Not regional coordinator, social projects coordinator, helping families of forest workers, development projects in Cajibio in formal education, have colegio in Cajibio for 21 years, organized association of panela growers, education program for adults, working with youth groups doing environmental projects. Worked in Cajibio for many years. Problems and concerns that you have are very broad.
Edgar Munoz: Judicial advisor for Carton. Bogota, Medellin, Cali, also investments in Peru, Venezuela, Ecuador. Specialized in agrarian law, acquiring farms for 30 years, part of that community. In Cajibio yesterday regarding problems, damages 8-10pm, police came, otherwise damage would have been worse. Third time this has happened. Threats against farmworkers. In contact with the community, but also with representatives of the department of Cauca. Want to find out why this is happening. Discontent within or from outside of these communities. Need a neighborhood that will let us work in peace.
Part of Smurfit Kappa. Formed in 1994 in Medellin through a merger with North American paper company based in Chicago. 70% foreign, 30% local capital. This proportion still exists. In 1980's sold investment to Mobil when oil companies were diversifying. Short-lived: in 1986 Michael Smurfit bought from Mobil all Latin American paper. 2003: Michael Smurfit sold Smurfit to two investments, in Chicago and in Holland. These are what dominate Smurfit now. 30% in Colombia has 2200 shareholders. Shares registered on Colombian stock market. Vertically integrated company. Produce own primary resources. 2/3 wood, 1/3 recycled paper. Biggest paper recyclers in Colombia. To assure primary resources in 1970's acquired rural farms to plant trees. Took farms that wouldn't compete with agricultural areas, parts used for cattle farming. In Cauca, bought land near indigenous zones. Located in eastern part of Cauca over central range. Cajibio more to west, far from indigenous lands, because no land conflicts. Indigenous reserves created by Spanish crown, to protect indigenous because they were being extinguished. Still like this in Cauca, made them isolated from rest of culture, isolated from campesinos.
Ray: Why not say multinational?
Munoz: Bad connotations, that they come in, take everything.
Jack: Various themes, first about environment, then social sector activities, and the incursions, etc. John Henry to present concerns over the environment.
John Henry: Important to have presence of various organizations here. Agreement among various organizations, together with human rights organizations agreeing on political solutions. There might be someone like me threatened. This is bad. We are struggling to defend the land for the campesinos. Bad that some have done incursions onto the land. Meeting in Popoyan with WFP, MINGA, etc., that led to original document recognizing work of MCC. This came up with Mayor, the has appeared very serious to us, a rumor that we haven't verified yet, that I am being accused of this. Want to clarify. We are very worried. Heard from Smurfit employee. Tell us what is going on, can you tell me if you think I am responsible for this? We want to clarify. Carton has presence in other countries. Has effects in other communities, sometimes good, sometimes bad. Carton is part of the problem. We absolutely have nothing to do with the incursions and do not support this. What they are doing is illegal. We struggle with different kinds of actions. At no time have we taken actions like this. What happened.
Calderon: We reject any type of threats. Not our type of work, cannot accept involvement in this. No document that accuses John Henry. First attempt in October 2006, 3500 trees destroyed, November 120,000 trees, 110 hectares. What can company do? Told authorities, made legal announcement, criminal act. After that, last Friday, a new incursion. 4800 trees destroyed. Been trying to work in social realm. All experts in social work. Always talk with recognized leaders, including MCC. Wanted a take on what was happening from community leaders, wanted their input. Then we can rework our social policy. If there is a conflict we have to deal with it. Going to keep working to resolve problem, keep working in finca.
Munoz: Put denuncia in to Cajibio fiscal. Included names of people we identified on the day that this happenned, by people who were doing security. Have been guarding. Named names. John Henry is not on this list. But, I want to know who said that we think you were behind this.
JH: We have indications. The person who gave information said not to give his name. Gave name of functionary in Smurfit. Can't tell exactly what he siad. But he said he was worried for John Henry.
Munoz: Mario Gonzalez is an engineer who is fifth or sixth level. His work is technical. He is not a decision maker, does not have any authority. Whatever he said, it is imaginary, not concrete. We are a business. I feel like I am being accused of something. The company has nothing against MCC or any other campesino or indigenous movement. We have a problem with the guerillas, the paramilitaries, never interacted with them. But we don't have a problem with social groups. For example, the company has a union, 40 years, 20 agreements, negotiated every 2 years.
MINGA: Where did you make the denuncia?
Munoz: Not sure. 10 million pesos of damage.
Fernandez: Concern about the question of who is the functionary. We don't have proof who was the functionary. Not saying name of informer because it is very delicate. Mario could retaliate against John Henry. We are not accusing this functionary, just saying that there was a rumor.
Calderon: Before March 1, 2007, Mario Gomez from office, MINGA wants to have a meeting in Bogota. Here he made the same point and left this clear. If Carton had something against MCC . Clear that we did not. Witness for Peace was also present. CUT, NUC, Agapito were also there. Left clear that nothing was against John Henry or MCC. This is not the first meeting where we have done this.
Munoz: We won't put anyone in danger. Not our style.
Jack: Observation. Informed of presence of paramilitaries in Cajibio, want to hear that you don't have any type of arrangement with paramilitaries. Assurance that they would try to stop the paramilitaries.
Munoz: Do not want to get involved with any type of armed group. Have had problems with guerillas and paramilitaries. They have burned farms, tried to bribe us, backed off of some farms, allowed overseers to look after them. Also been called by some organizations to come back. No contact with armed groups. Company policy, ethics code. No involvement with any political organizations.
Jack: Concerns regarding water problem. Relation between pine plantations and water availability.
Calderon: This is an environmental problem. We don't have an environmental specialist here. Not a social problem. Environmental themes straddle political/social issues. Can't conceive of environment without community. Forest cultivations. Inexplicably, they don't use as much water as in other places. Tropical pines from Vietnam and North Africa. Special characteristic of Cajibio- plateau with deep water. There are pumping stations to bring water up from the ground. Until now no scientific evidence of water loss due to the plantations. Invited to see forestry project. See how we behave in Cajibio.
Colleen: Spoke about biodiversity, the "green desert," etc.
Calderon: We are employing campesinos to do the work.
Jack: Agreement not to buy any more land in Cajibio.
Calderon: Nothing that refers to this.
Jack: But is a concern.
Calderon: There was a meeting in Cajibio. April 27, where I represented the company. I promised that each time the company would get more land, it would consult whether the land had been offered to campesinos, Afro-Colombians, indigenous groups, etc. Why? Because it wouldn't make sense to buy land when campesinos were in negotiations to buy land.
Agapito: There was an earthquake in 1983. Small farmers with no land. After the earthquake, land opened up. It's a reality. They said that the farm we needed wasn't appropriate for agrarian reform. Carton told them that the farm was bought by Carton. We need work, but we also need a place to live, a place to plant our crops. In Colombia there hasn't been any agrarian reform. We've taken land… Forces of the state have come against us. Two dead, five wounded in La Viuda. All arrested, accused of being guerillas, Carton knows. The institution today and before. The small farmers haven't gotten anything from the institution. We have taken agrarian reform into our own hands. I obtained land through struggle. Others have had to do the same. We have children. We need more land. Cow, milk farms. Carton entered. We have had many meetings about Monsanto (?) with Carton because we were not in agreement with this. Power is knowledge. There were a lot of people working, but Carton displaced the work. Carton is using machines to clear the trees. Proposal to mechanize everything including stripping bark from the trees. If we don't organize we will be totally displaced.
Calderon: We can see this in the country, but we see more people working. More people than before.
Munoz: I have heard many times on the part of the communities. Same thing is being said as 20 years before. Why does MCC keep talking about property rights? We who work in the country side see that there are alternatives and the MCC should make more efforts to find alternatives to exploiting land. Colombia is not poor in terms of resources. We know about our business like you know about yours. Not discussing the legitimacy of our organizations.
CIMA: Why do you not stop buying land? Our children need land. It is a political problem, but also economic, and also one of inequality. Before we had a little bit of land, but now we are obliged to be a worker in a factory. Environmental, but also political. Today the landowner is not a poor campesino. Now the campesino is part of an army of workers if he hasn't already been displaced. I want to say this to the multinational: What will happen to the poor campesino who doesn't have any land? The proletariat of the countryside do not have any land. Economic problem of inequality.
