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The latest news for the struggle for human rights for all in Colombia

Friday, October 31, 2008

PARAMILITARIES THREATEN TO CARRY OUT NEW MASSACRE

We turn to the national and international community so that, in solidarity, we may unite our voices in opposition of the threats of death to which we are being subjected.  For the record, we would like to share with you the following facts:
 
·     On October 30, paramilitaries in the region of Nueva Antioquia stopped three people, one from Playa Larga and two from La Esperanza, and told them to take a message to their “town full of guerrillas.”  They told them that the people of Esperanza must leave if they want to avoid being massacred, and that they have a list of six specific people from the community that they intend to murder.  The paramilitaries emphasized that the three had better relay the message to the community, and then released them.  
·     On the 28 and 29 of October, the army was present the whole day in homes and in the school of La Esperanza, preventing children from attending classes and putting the civilian population in great danger.  When asked to leave, they stated that this “Peace Community” is a nest of guerrillas and that its people ought to exterminated.
·     On October 25, a member of the community was approached by two lightly armed civilians that took his picture and told him that, as a guerrilla, he is doing damage to the country.  The two men then took off running and jumped into a truck with no plates.
·     On October 20, six members of the community were illegally asked for their names and addresses by members of the army in the village of Frasquillo in the municipality of Tierra Alta.  The community members were headed toward Naín, where 22 families that are part of the Peace Community live.  There, a meeting was held with the community and with an alternative school that operates there.  The six people from the community were being accompanied by members of the Swiss organization, Kitchens Without Borders.
 
All of these events clearly demonstrate a plan to generate terror and to wipe out our community.  In Nueva Antioquia, the paramilitaries are under the protection of the army, and move throughout these areas freely.  In early 2005, the military and paramilitaries announced that they were planning to exterminate us.  At the time, they fulfilled their promise of committing a massacre by murdering eight people.  Now, these same actors of death and terror have again announced that they plan to exterminate us, despite the fact that for the last three years we have continued more firmly than ever in our alternative path of non-violence. And in spite of the actions of extermination of which we are the victims, we will never concede in the face of violence because we believe in a life that is built on real and daily actions that work towards peace.
 
We, therefore, urge you to contact the following individuals and to demand a stop to the planned massacre and that the army respect the rights of the civilian population.  In your messages, please ask why paramilitaries are so active in a region already controlled by the police and military.
 
-Your Senators and Representatives: see CSN In Action (
http://www.colombiasupport.net/actioncenter.html <http://www.colombiasupport.net/actioncenter.html> )

-The Political Attache of the US Embassy: Scott Fagan:
 FaganSR@state.gov

-In Colombia: General Hector Eduardo Pena, Commander 17th Brigade:
                     pepopacho@hotmail.com
                  
                       Col. Jorge Hernando Murillo, Police Commander of Uraba:
                       comandeura@policia.gov.co
                   
                       Dr. Edgardo Maya, Procurador General:
                       anticorrupción@presidencia.gov.co   
                       reygon@procuraduría.gov.co
                     
                       Dr. Wolmar Antonio Perez Ortiz, Defensor del Pueblo:       
                       defensoria@defensoria.org.co     
                       secretaria_privada@hotmail.com
                    
                       Dr. Juan Manuel Santos, Minister of Defense:       
                       siden@mindefensa.gov.co   
                       infprotocol@mindefensa.gov.co   
                       mdn@cable.net.co

 
 
 
Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Thursday, October 30, 2008

EXTRA-JUDICIAL EXECUTIONS: AN UNDENIABLE REALITY

( Translated by Peter Lenny, a CSN volunteer translator)


·    535 extra-judicial executions were recorded from 1 January 2007 to 1 July 2008.

·     In 58% of the cases, the victims were juveniles.


These and other figures on extra-judicial executions, as well as on the context of new patterns and methods of concealing how these crimes are committed, the states most affected, and exposés of some of the most important cases, will all be considered tomorrow, Wednesday, 29 October, as part of the event "Extra-judicial Executions: An Undeniable Reality", to take place from 9 am, at the Gabriel García Márquez Cultural Centre (Calle 11, No 5-60).

At the same event, the International Observation Mission on Extra-judicial Executions and Impunity in Colombia will present its Final Report. The mission took place from 3 to 10 October 2007 with the participation of 13 independents professionals (jurists, journalists, forensic anthropologists and human rights experts) from Germany, Spain, United States, France and the United Kingdom.

Reports on extra-judicial executions in the Catatumbo region and in Arauca state will also be presented.

Organised by the Colombia-Europe-United States Coordination, a coalition of 199 Colombian groups formed for human rights promotion, information and advocacy, the event will be attended by human rights advocacy social organisations, the diplomatic corps, representatives of the United Nations System office in Colombia, members of the Colombian Congress. Invitations have been sent to State oversight agencies and institutions of the central government.

This dramatic situation is sure to be one of the key issues in the examination of human rights violations that the Colombian government will be asked to explain, on 10 December 2008, by the United Nations Human Rights Council.

In their report for the Universal Periodic Review, the 4 platforms on Human Rights and Peace, the Coalition against Connecting Children and Young People with the Armed Conflict, the Working Group on Women and Armed Conflict, the World Organization Against Torture and the Observatory against Racial Discrimination complain that "In the past five years, there has been a 67.71% increase in recorded extra-judicial executions  directly attributed to government forces, and this lapse coincides with application of the policy of “democratic security" applied by the present government since it came to office on 7 August 2002".

In its last report on the human rights situation in Colombia, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner of Human Rights recognised "The persistence of extrajudicial executions attributed to members of the security forces,especially members of the Army", adding also that "Some common characteristics of the complaints are the following: the victims are represented as having being killed in combat; the scene of the crime has been tampered with before the bodies were identified; and often investigations have been initiated by the Military Criminal Justice system. Official investigations reveal that the underlying motives in several of these cases may be related to pressure on the military to show results, or to false claims of success in action by certain members of the security forces to obtain benefits and recognition".

Despite these constant concerns on the part of the Colombian and international communities, on 9 September, Defence Minister Juan Manuel Santos declared that there had been “a substantial reduction in cases” of extra-judicial executions, claiming that so far this year only 25 cases had occurred, in contrast with the 102 documented by the organisations.

The cases of Soacha and Ciudad Bolívar and others uncovered as a result of those events in other regions of Colombia have shown not only that this practice is being used persistently and systematically, but also that new patterns and methods are being developed to cover up the commission of these crimes and ensure they go unpunished.





Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



COLOMBIA SUPPORT NETWORK STATEMENT ON MILITARY FIRINGS


 October 30, 2008

 

            The Colombia Support Network (CSN) is pleased to learn that the Uribe Administration has taken the step of firing 25 members of the Colombian military accused of human rights abuses. We hope this is the beginning of a long-needed reform of the Colombian Army. CSN has for the past year documented on our web page the multiple illegal activities of members of the Colombian Army. Please see ( http://www.colombiasupport.net/2008/CSN_Aug_Col_Army_Atrocities.pdf )These include many incidents of murder of civilians and participation in drug-trafficking and other corrupt activities. Particularly distressing has been the kidnapping of innocent civilians from one area of the country and their transfer to other areas, where they are murdered and then falsely presented as “guerrillas.” A shocking example of this “false positive” practice appears now on our web page in the story of one soldier’s account of how his civilian brother was kidnapped and killed by his fellow soldiers to earn credit for a downed guerrilla so they could spend Mother’s Day with their families. Please see (
http://colombiasupport.net/2008/MY-BROTHER-WAS-A-FALSE-POSITIVE.pdf)

    Just last week we encountered further evidence of the apparent complicity of the Colombian Army with illegal paramilitaries, when Father Rafael Gallego, a parish priest from Tiquisio in Bolivar Department, was denied a visa CSN had requested for him. Father Gallego was invited by CSN to travel to 10 communities in The United States and Canada talk about his work in community activities and in local radio development. His visa was denied for alleged “security” reasons, we believe at the behest of the Colombian military. Father Gallego’s name appeared on a hit list issued by the paramilitary organization “Aguilas Negras” (Black Eagles). The fact that he was denied a visa suggests to us collaboration between the Colombian military and the “Aguilas Negras” (as well as a much too ready acceptance by the U.S. Embassy and Consulate of the advice of the Colombian military when considering visa applications).

        We applaud efforts to clean out rights abuses from the Colombian military. However, the Uribe Administration has a long way to go properly to reform this abusive military. We will continue to monitor its measures and military activities closely.

 


Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Press Conference on Oct 18 against workers

( Translated by Rolf Schoneneborn, a CSN volunteer translator )


The executive committee of the Unified Workers' Confederation of Colombia (CUT) wants to launch protests both nationally and internationally against a press conference which took place October 18, at the Colombian 'White House' , the Palacio de Narino, with national media  (radio, TV, and news services) in attendance. The Colombian government was represented by Diego Palacio, secretary of health and welfare, general Oscar Naranjo, head of Colombia's national police, and Maria del Pilar Hurtado, head of the department of administrative security.

The press conference was called to announce that six warrants of arrest had been issued against militants involved in the strike of sugar cane cutters; no names, however, were given. It was announced also that two French and one German national had been deported because of their apparent active support of the strike.  Secretary Diego Betancourt as well as general Naranjo made it clear that these strikes, though in keeping with the constitution and the law of the land, as well as the campaigns of civil disobedience of the Cauca indigenous communities to force the government to honor its agreements were part and parcel of the subversive plans of the FARC sixth front to destabilize the national government. Both insisted that  solidarity campaigns regarding these labor conflicts and the mobilization of the indigenous communities would have to be considered criminal.

Also,  the workers' confederation very strongly disapproves of the attempts of the government  to criminalize  social and union struggles. This also goes for the attempts of the police and the army to actively prevent social mobilization efforts and strikes which are in accord with the  Columbian constitution and  international ILO-agreements (ILO- International Labor Organization) and were ratified by  Colombia.

Measures such as military and intelligence gathering operations are not only used by the national government in its war on terror but also against labor unions and social organizations that dare to demand that law and constitution be respected.

We call on the national and international labor movement, social organizations, human rights organizations, the Colombian attorney general's office, the church, and all political parties to  let president Uribe know that executive action is needed since it can no longer be tolerated that civic organizations that are clearly democratic and have been  recognized as such by the state should now be considered terrorist in nature. Colombians as well as the global community should hold president Uribe responsible for innumerable casualties, non-fatal and fatal, suffered by indigenous  communities as a result of military interventions to prevent people from exercising their right to demonstrate and mobilize for change, for not honoring agreements and for human rights violations such as segregation and displacement.

Summarizing, we believe that this press conference was held for no other reason than to justify the use of arms and other repressive measures against workers in general, and in particular against those involved in labor struggles, progressive organizations and labor unions.

Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Firing military officers over the case of the disappeared of Soacha is a decision made too late: Petro

(Translated by Steve Cagan, a CSN volunteer translator)

Bogotá, October 29, 2008
 
Since September of 2006, Senator Gustavo Petro has been warning about the errors in the system for measuring the efficiency of the military, expressed in losses [by the other side -SC ], and that this modality for grading them is generating “false positives.”
 
On September 19, 2006, in a debate in the First Commission of the Senate, Petro said to the head of the military portfolio that the construction of a promotion system within the military called “positive results, is a mechanism I would call a little ‘yuppie’ for measuring efficiency.”
 
At that time Senator Petro expressed to Minister Juan Manuel Santos that “according to this modality for promotion in rank, the ten last Army or Police officer, who have the worst results measured in casualties inflicted on the groups on the edge of the law, leave their military career,” and added that this policy of benefits to military officers for the deaths in combat reported “is stimulating false positives.”
 
Petro told the minister that he had to stop this policy of military promotions because it was what was causing the murder of Colombian citizens.
 
Today Senator Petro believes that “The solution that was taken is a late decision, it does not solve the fundamental topic, which is to change the policy of military promotions in Colombia, and now nobody will bring back to life the hundreds of thousands of citizens murdered by the very State,” said the Senator from the Polo Democrático [the Democratic Pole, an opposition political party—SC], and he added that what he is talking about is “a crime against humanity committed by the government of President Uribe and by public functionaries of the State.”
 
Petro said that in this case the Minister of defense knew about this because since September 19, 2006, he had presented hundreds of cases and had affirmed that this “systematic situation of murders of civilians” was coming from a policy created in the Ministry of Defense that kicks out of the military “those who produce the fewest casualties,” and added that “It’s a kind of benefit for producing deaths.”
 
Watch the video of the debate at
www.gustavopetro.net <http://www.gustavopetro.net/>
 
-------------
Visit the blog at http://www.gustavopetro.blogspot.com
Make your comments or write to Senator Petro at gpetro@coldecon.net.co









Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Wednesday, October 29, 2008

Letters from Colombian society to FARC and the answer from FARC

(Translated by Stephanie DiBello, a CSN volunteer translator )

Letter from the Colombian society to the secretary of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.
 
Ê
Bogotá DC., September 11, 2008-10-28
 
ÊGentleman of the Secretariat: Ê
 
Ê
The solution of the complex crisis that ails the society and the Colombian State demands a wise reflection like the participation of the distinct sectors expressed in civil society and of those committed actors in the internal armed conflict that encumbers the country. The object is to avoid damaging the institutions and promote the construction of a full democracy with social justice and peace for everyone.
 
ÊWith this in mind, we aspire to open pathways that lead to the formation of a Humanitarian Accord that will allow for the liberation of those in the power of the armed insurgency FARC and, in due time, the liberation of the FARC prisoners under jurisdiction of the State.
 
ÊWe understand that a different alternative to political understanding in order to achieve a Humanitarian Accord and facilitate a negotiated solution to the conflict would entail suffering of important sectors of the population, imminent danger for the lives of those captive in the jungle, degradation of the war, and encouragement of militarization, authoritarianism, and an institutional weakening of the national political process.
 
ÊThe escalation of the confrontation has transcended the national geography and impacts the territories of surrounding countries with diverse acts of institutional violence that have strained diplomatic relations of our country.
 
ÊNevertheless, we are sure that the presidents and heads of State in the hemisphere and in our designated friendly European countries would agree in solidarity to support the process of dialogue that we are proposing.
 
ÊFor the aforementioned reasons and with the intention to embark starting now on a search for solutions towards a peaceful Colombia and the peace of the human beings affected by the conflict, we cordially invite you to develop a public dialogue through a written exchange through which you, us, and the Colombian society in general can identify the elements that would allow for an agenda that may clarify the route to an understanding, in honor of the longed-for humanitarian exchange.
 
ÊWe recognize that substantial opinion already exists favoring the promotion of contrary solutions to the armed conflict and that it is time to gather the appropriate actors in order to generate a democratic debate on the topics of peace and war in Colombia, with the goal of promoting a pacific coexistence within a new social ethic.

Senator Piedad Cordoba and more signatures following hers ...............
 
Ê=================================
 
 
Sent Tuesday, October 28th at 12:44:44
 
Ê
 
Mountains of Colombia, October 16, 2008
 
Ê
 
Respected Compatriots:
 
ÊWith great pleasure we have received your September letter inviting us to collectively explore roads to peace, far from the current government path of perpetual war that unfeasibly relies on a military solution to solve the political, economic, and social problems underlying this bloody conflict that rattles the country.
 
ÊWe welcome the emergence of a wave of opinion that distinguishes itself from the method of false triumph and the parameters of the bellicose solution to great national problems. We do not doubt your support for peace because it coincides with the sentiment and longing for peace shared by most.
 
ÊThis letter marks the beginning of a Written Exchange that you propose to us in order to discuss a political solution to the conflict, the humanitarian exchange, and peace. We will participate with the people in an in-depth and frank dialogue, without dogmatism, without sectarianism, and without the disqualification of any issues you suggest. It is necessary to strive to connect with as many political and social organizations and independent persons as possible.
 
ÊNo matter what we will are willing to explore possibilities towards a humanitarian exchange and peace with social justice, which today is the cry and most urgent need and sentiment of the entire nation. The recent unilateral liberation of the six ex-members of congress, handed over to Hugo Chavez and Senator Piedad Cordoba, aimed to create favorable conditions for an exchange of prisoners in the power of the State. This fact is a certified testimony of political will.
 
ÊWe very respectfully suggest, in order to strengthen this new endeavor, that you take into account the expressed willingness of the majority of Latin American presidents to contribute their efforts in the process of humanitarian exchange and peace.
 
ÊThe immense flag of peace with social justice should wave forever, free, underneath the Colombian sky. The eternal war against the people that they want to impose on us in order to perpetuate injustice cannot be the destiny of the country.
 
Ê
 
Cordially,
 
Ê
 
Compatriots
 
Ê
 
Secretary of State of the FARC-EP

===========================================





Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Tuesday, October 28, 2008

THE CHILLING TESTIMONY OF A COLOMBIAN SOLDIER

MY BROTHER WAS A FALSE POSITIVE

[CSN requested and received permission from SEMANA to translate this document]
Edicion 1382

(Translated by John I. Laun, a CSN volunteer translator)
Link to PDF version


From SEMANA; Sunday October 26, 2008

The chilling testimony of Luis Esteban Montes, a soldier who learned that colleagues in his Army unit had killed a peasant in order to pass him off as a guerrilla, only to discover that the victim was his very own brother.

“Everything happened on April 30 of last year. I was an anti-guerrilla soldier in the 31st Infantry Battallion, which operates in Cordoba. My company had gone for 15 days without doing much in a hot little town named San Juan. There had been neither operations nor patrols. We soldiers were simply there not doing anything. But Mother’s Day was approaching and the high command began to worry because we did not have any results to show for our time there, and had not committed any meritorious acts for which they would give us vacation days to leave and visit our families. Then we began to hear talk of “legalizing” someone. That is to say, of killing a person to pass him off as a guerrilla, and by so doing, earn permission to leave. This didn’t at all surprise me since “legalizations” are a daily affair.

“One night, while I was talking to my family by telephone, Corporal Jonathan Pineda arrived and said to me “Guajiro (Man from the Guajira region of Colombia), go to the tent, we have the man who we are going to do the job on.” I asked him who it was, but he told me to be quiet and that Captain Jairo Mauricio Garcia had given the order that we were not to speak to the man, so that he would not realize that we were going to kill him. I asked him “Where is the guy from?” And he told me he was from the Guajira. They always look for persons who are from outside the region so that no relative will come to reclaim them. In any event, I was very curious because I am also from the Guajira. Then I left the tent, lit a cigarette and heard the man asking me for one. I was not able to see his face because there wasn’t any light or moonlight. It was drizzling. I gave him the cigarette and we began to chat. A short while later I realized he was my brother, Leonardo Montes.

“My brother had left our home in Maicao a long time ago, when I was just a boy of 9 years . That is why I did not recognize him at first. But when he told me my father’s name, it proved he was my brother. He was my brother and he was also the person they had by chance chosen to kill. I could not believe it. I then revealed who I was. I told him I was the boy, Luis Esteban, his brother. We hugged and in the midst of the emotion I warned him that they were going to kill him in order to pass him off as a guerrilla. I told him to leave, but he did not believe me. He had become a very good friend of the two soldiers in my company who had invited him to the tent that night. Leonardo was sure they were not going to do anything to him. He had been fooled.

After speaking with him for 20 minutes outside, they called me. I went directly to Corporal Pineda and told him:”You cannot kill this man because he is my brother.” The Corporal did not believe me and told me I had better talk to Captain Garcia, who did not believe me either. The only thing he did was insult me. I continued insisting. I told him to ask the name of my father, of my brothers, of the family, of the street in Maicao where we had been born.

From this moment on, things got very messy. The Captain and I argued for several hours and my brother heard it all. Finally, I told them that I didn’t care if they believed me, this man was my brother, and if they wanted to kill him, they’d have to kill me first! “Why don’t you bring a brother of yours, Captain, or your father, and then you can leave feeling contented on Mother’s Day. But you cannot kill my brother,” I told him. Everybody was very upset. They could not believe that the only person they had managed to find to kill had turned out to be the brother of a soldier in their own company. Their plan to look for someone who was from outside the zone, someone who would not have relatives in town, and whose death would pass unnoticed, had failed miserably.

“After a while, the Captain told me: “My hand is ready to kill that son of a bitch!” It wasn’t difficult to imagine would do the deed because every company has 2 or 3 hit men who carry out this type of job to earn their million pesos.

“I took advantage of a moment when the others had let down their guard to tell my brother that he should run away, jump over some wire-fences, cross the stream and go to his home, because they were going to kill him. He said that he wouldn’t go home because it would be easier for them to kill him there. We managed to move a bit away from the tent and to stop a motorcycle taxi, and they headed towards town. I remained behing but of course that night I was unable to sleep.

“The next day I realized that everything had changed for me. My colleagues hated me. As a result, I asked a Colonel to move me elsewhere because I felt incapable of going on patrols with those same people. In addition, I was weak because I was suffering from a bout of malaria. That very day, they sent me to a different company in Puerto Libertador, a town near San Juan. There I felt more tranquil. At least I did not fear that they would kill me. The idea of denouncing my colleagues occurred to me, but in the end I did not choose to do so at that time. I had freed my brother which was the most important thing, and I wanted to avoid problems with my superiors.

“Around the third day that I was in Puerto Libertador, I heard that the Company that I had been a part of had “brought one down.” The doubt came over me that the person that had been killed might be my brother, and I asked a soldier if he knew who the dead man was. He replied that he didn’t, but that a car was picking up the body and transporting it to the cemetery.

“I immediately went to the house of an aunt who lives in Puerto Libertad and told her everything. I asked her to accompany me to the cemetery. As we were walking there, the car carrying the dead man passed us, but the flaps were down and we could not see his face. When we arrived at the cemetery, the dead man was lying on the ground wrapped in white plastic. I jumped on him, ripped open the bag, and saw that it was my brother, Leonardo. They had already dug a hole in the ground, and two soldiers grabbed him by the feet and hands and tossed him in just like that, without a casket or anything. Supposedly they had found him in possession of a grenade and a gun. However, there is already a witness in that town who says that it was he who sold the pistol to the Army and I also remember how, days before April 30th, two soldiers from my company had been cleaning it off with urine to erase any fingerprints.

“After seeing all this I called my family in Maicao. I told them everything and they came all the way to Cordoba to give him a Christian burial. It was at this time that I decided to sue the State. Then, however, the world came crashing down on me. I am constantly on the alert because I think something could happen to me. I am afraid to eat the food provided by the Army and, although I have completed three years in this institution and am now in the Juan del Corral Battallion in Rionegro, Antioquia, the only task I am allowed to complete is to collect everyone’s garbage. I am not permitted to enter into combat zones because I have been placed under special protection. In addition, many people wish me ill will because they know of my complaint against the State and they know my story. I hope this all passes rapidly. The case is in the hands of a prosecuting attorney for human rights, who is investigating the 7 military men implicated in my case. The day that justice is done I will see what other direction my future will take. What happened to my brother changed my life completely and I believe I now deserve some peace.”


Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI 53701-1505
phone: (608) 257-8753
fax: (608) 255-6621
e-mail: csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net

Monday, October 27, 2008

OPEN LETTER ABOUT THE EXPULSION OF GERMAN AND FRENCH CITIZENS

( Translated by Stacey Schlau, a CSN volunteer translator)

Bogotá, October 22, 2008

To:
President’s Office
Vice-President’s Office
Ministry of Defense
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Administrative Department of Security
 
cc:
National press
International press
Diplomatic corps
 
Open Letter
We who sign the present document address ourselves to you with the purpose of sharing our deep concern regarding the situation that has emerged as a result of the expulsion of the German citizen Friederike Müller on October 2, the expulsion of two French citizens on October 14, and related facts.
 
We are the organizations of the European and American Network of Brotherhood and Solidarity with Colombia, observers, journalists, cooperating persons, and those in solidarity who, with our labor and presence next to the victims, work toward the protection of human rights and accompaniment and humanitarian action in different regions of Colombia, aided by the constitutional and legal government.
 
We are deeply concerned about the facts and activities that have occurred in relation to these incidents.
 
The facts:
1)    The human rights activist Christine Friederike Müller, Social Investigator and Communicator, arrived in Colombia to carry out documentation work and receive training related to the socio-economic and human rights situation in this country. On October 1, 2009, at about 5:30 pm, she was detained by agents of the Administrative Department of Security (DAS), and deported on October 2 at about 1:40 pm. The DAS justified its action arguing that Müller was “participating in a protest march of sugar cane cutters from the sugar mill in the Cauca Valley.” In her freely given version though, Müller stated that she had not been participating in any political activity, but rather she was in the plaza where the demonstration took place in order to document the facts, accompanying a Colombian human rights organization.
 
2)    After October 2, 2008, we have denounced the detention and unjustified deportation nationally and internationally, to the diplomatic corps, and to public opinion. More than 65 agencies and organizations and more than 200 private individuals signed an international protest petition expressing their concern regarding this situation.
 
3)    On October 6, 2008, the collectives and member organizations of the Brotherhoood Network received death threats, in an e-mail sent by the paramilitary group, “Black Eagles, dissident block AUC.” In it, they say, “EITHER YOU SHUT UP OR WE WILL SHUT YOU UP ( . . . ) OR DO YOU WANT TO SUFFER THE SAME FATE AS THESE SONS OF BITCHES”; and it lists a large number of unionists and defenders of human rights assassinated this year. The pamphlet declares that all groups that are a part of the European Network of Brotherhood and Solidarity with Colombia are a military target, and names them one by one.
 
4)    On October 13, 2008, at about 12:45, they detained Damien Fellous, who carried out a documentation project about the workers in the sugar cane industry, and two other French citizens who accompanied him. The three were detained in the sugar plantation Central Tumaco (Palmira). They were deprived of their freedom, without respect for the more elementary codes of contemporary law, violating due process. While Damien Fellous was freed, his companions were expelled from Colombia on October 14, 2008, after denying them the right to a translator even though they spoke no Spanish, using the same line of argument and accusations as with Frederike Müller.
 
5)    On October 18, at 6:30 pm, in a factory near the SIPOL and the SIJIN, the graphic reporter from the Italian weekly News Carta, Massimo Boldrini, was detained in the Providencia sugar mill. He was brought to the SIJIN office. He was held until 8:30 pm, and freed after confirmation of his legal status.
 
6)    On October 19 at 11:30 am, in a reserve barracks about two kilometers from the entrance to the Central Tumaco sugar mill in the municipality of Palmira, Massimo Boldrini was again detained by the army, who asked for his identification, which they gave to an unidentified civilian to write down in a notebook his personal information. Upon leaving the sugar mill at about 12:45 pm, the civilian refused to identify himself, because of which the Italian denounced what had happened to an official of SIPOL. Minutes afterward, SIPOL sent a combined unit of army and civilian personnel with an agent to the barracks,  who, instead of identifying the civilian, allowed him to remove the information about the foreigner from the notebook and leave the area quickly, in a vehicle with license plates PLQ 436, from Palmira. This situation is troublesome, due to the criminal elements in the area because of the presence of paramilitary groups.
 
7)    On October 18, the president of Colombia, Alvaro Uribe, in a public speech in the town of Quetame accused the German human rights worker and the expelled French citizens of having come to Colombia to incite violence: “Those foreigners should be in jail, we shouldn’t have deported them, but rather should have put them on trial and jailed them because they are guilty of inciting violence” and he added that, “here [in Colombia] they are apologists for crime and in other countries they distort the truth.”
 

We consider that:

Colombia has found itself immersed in a dramatic spiral of violence that affects all sectors of society, undermines the very foundations of the State, and completely moves the international community to feel compassion. Under these circumstances, one element of protection for civil society, for social movements, and for defenders of DDHH are those people from other climes who accompany and support as workers or observers the work related to human rights and respect for international humanitarian law. The European and American Network of Brotherhood and Solidarity with Colombia has been functioning here for more than 15 years. The Network’s action, like that of the organizations that belong to it, is not only legitimate but also necessary. For that reason, the actions of accompaniment, humanitarian missions, educational events, and technical support have been recognized has having enormous value for and by peasant and urban communities all over the country.
 
Even more than questioning the legality of the acts of deportation, we find troublesome that in the future, international workers who carry out tasks related to the defense of human rights in Colombia will be affected by unfounded accusations and arbitrary actions. We think that in spite of the government’s pronouncements in favor of human rights there is an enormous distance between the agreements and reality and that the facts mentioned above point to an intentionality of restricting the activities of international observers and workers.
 
AS A CONSEQUENCE AND GIVEN THE SERIOUSNESS OF THE MATTER, WE RESPECTFULLY REQUEST THAT THE COLOMBIAN AUTHORITES:
 
  1. Make an announcement in which they publicly and irrevocably recognize the fundamental role of defenders of human rights, observers, journalists, workers, and those in solidarity with communities and organizations affected by the persistent violence in Colombia.

  1. Make an announcement in which they publicly recognize that the work of protecting and promoting human rights is a legitimate action and that they look favorably on the expansion of the rights and guarantees to all persons.

  1. Provide support and respect the work of solidarity organizations and international observers.

  1. Offer guarantees to those foreign citizens who carry out humanitarian and solidarity work in Colombia.

  1. Also, provide an explanation on behalf of the Colombian government as to why the German woman and two French men were subjected to arbitrary actions during the time that they were detained in the DAS installation.

  1. Carry out a critical review of this case and of the government’s pronouncements, ratification of resolutions that prohibit their entry into Colombia for 7 and 5 years respectively, as well as reparation for damages suffered.

Sincerely,
 
ASSOCIATION FRANCE AMÉRIQUE LATINE AFAL- COMITÉ COLOMBIA-LYON  (FRANCE)
CENTRO REGIONAL DE INICIATIVA PARA LA COOPERACION CRIC (ITALY)
COLECTIVO AYNI DE BRUSELAS (BELGIUM)
COLECTIVO GINEBRINOS DE SOLIDARIDAD CON LOS PUEBLOS COLOMBIANOS -GINEBRA (SWITZERlAND)
COLECTIVO SOLIDARITÉ COLOMBIA (FRENCH SWITZERLAND)
COLECTIVO DE SOLIDARIDAD BELGO-ANDINOAMERICANO- AYNI (BELGIUM)
COLECTIVO REVISTA RESISTENCIAS (GREECE)
COLOMBIA SOLIDARITY CAMPAIGN (GREAT BRITIAN)
COLOMBIA SOLIDARITY NETWORK (IRELAND)
COMITÉ DE SOLIDARIDAD CARLOS FONSECA (ITALY)
CONFEDERACIÓN COBAS (ITALY)
CONFEDERATION NATIONALE DU TRAVAIL CNT (FRANCE)
ESPACIO BRISTOL-COLOMBIA, (ENGLAND)
GRUPO DE APOYO (GERMAN SWITZERLAND)
KOLUMBIEN KAMPAGNE BERLÍN (GERMANY)
SOLIDARIDAD CON COLOMBIA DE LA REGIÓN BERNA- SOLICOL (SWITZERLAND)
TRIBUNAL INTERNACIONAL DE OPINIÓN SB-PARIS (FRANCE)
 
In Spain:

ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONALISTA PAZ Y SOLIDARIDAD - AISPAZ (LEÓN)
ASOCIACIÓN PAZ CON DIGNIDAD
CENTRO DE DOCUMENTACIÓN Y SOLIDARIDAD CON AMÉRICA LATINA Y ÁFRICA-CEDSALA (VALENCIA)
COLECTIVO DE COLOMBIANOS REFUGIADOS EN ESPAÑA - COLREFE
COLECTIVO COLICHE
COMITÉ DE SOLIDARIDAD  CON AMÉRICA LATINA - COSAL-XIXÓN (ASTURIES)
CONFEDERACIÓN GENERAL DEL TRABAJO (CGT)
COORDINADORA ARAGONESA DE SOLIDARIDAD CON COLOMBIA - CASCOL  (ARAGÓN)
KOMITE INTERNAZIONALISTAK (PAÍS VASCO)
SODEPAU (VALENCIA)



In America:
 
PROYECTO DE ACOMPAÑAMIENTO Y SOLIDARIDAD CON COLOMBIA -PASC (CANADA)
FRENTE POPULAR DARÍO SANTILLÁN (ARGENTINA)
PAÑUELOS EN REBELDÍA (ARGENTINA)
PRINCIPIO ESPERANZA (ARGENTINA)
AGENCIA PUEBLOS EN PIE (ECUADOR)
ALTERNATIVA PATRIÓTICA Y  POPULAR  (PANAMÁ)
ASOCIACIÓN COLOMBO-VENEZOLANA "LA ESPADA DE BOLÍVAR" (VENEZUELA)
RED MEXICO-COLOMBIA (MEXICO)
 




Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



[encamino-info] [LaChiva] Colombia Review - The Minga Continues!


Friends
  
 Today, more than 60.000 people arrived in Cali. Even more arrived later. The sugar cane cutters, the Women's Movement (Ruta Pacifica) and many mor delegations. Although tense and under threat, the Valle University campus seemed like a festival of colors. Music, hugs, tired faces, debates, huts and made-up "cambuches". Now, a few are deciding on behalf of the majority. The carry an enormous responsibility and task. They have earned the trust of the people, but also the obligtion to understand this momentous ocasion. However this might evolve, what has been achieved is a path, a decision to mov forward, to change the structure of oppression, to walk towards a path of dignity and freedom. We know that this decision has been made and it will happen. We will make it happen...
  
 
  
Colombia Review: The Minga Continues

Colombia Review is a project of Pueblos en Camino and La Chiva
 

Friends,

Continuing our previous coverage <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/colombia-review-indigenous-uprising.html>  of the popular and indigenous Minga underway in Colombia, we have compiled a number of articles, communiques and audio and video material for you. This is by no means exhaustive, as new developments are flooding our inboxes every day. Still, we hope this synthesis will help you to translate consciousness into action. We would like to acknowledge the writing and translations of Mario Murillo, who has been a formidable force in these past months, producing excellent analyses and up to the minute coverage of what has been going on in Cauca. Check out his blog for regular updates on the situation: http://www.mamaradio.blogspot.com <http://www.mamaradio.blogspot.com/> .

We cannot emphasize enough the need for continued international pressure in support of the Minga, especially as the horrible news of bombings in Bogota and the habitual ignorance of the Colombian press in covering the Minga serve to distract and distort what is truly a monumental step towards increasing people power in Colombia.

At the bottom of this edition, please read our call to action, where we propose that the Minga be transnational. Now is the time to think of ways in which we can break the divisions imposed by distance, false borders and supposedly different realities. The pain of the Minga is being put into action: the word is being walked. Can we share that pain and take it on as our own? Can we make all causes our own and articulate transnational responses to transnational problems? We must!

La Chiva
lachivacollective@gmail.com


The Declaration of the Minga

No More Terror and Avarice: We propose a new path for the people for a new country <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/declaration-from-minga-of-people-la.html>
This important text is the Declaration of the Minga of the People, La Maria-Piendamo, Territory of Dialogue, Coexistence and Peace, a proposal for a new country. It speaks for itself.
12 October 2008

The Minga's Agenda Advancing <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/mingas-agenda-advancing.html>
Uribe responds to the five point agenda of the popular and indigenous Minga. The Minga responds.
ACIN, translated by Mario A. Murillo, 20 October 2008

Communiques

Pueblos en Camino: A Letter to Canadian Authorities on Cauca <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/letter-to-prime-minister-harper.html>
We strongly urge the Canadian government to call on President Uribe to cease violence immediately and support an International Commission to the region to monitor the situation. We also strongly urge the Canadian government to rethink its position on free trade with the Colombian government, which has demonstrated a complete disdain for the rights of Indigenous people and other groups, and has a long history of brutal human rights violations.
Pueblos en Camino Collective

La Chiva, Canada: Your Pain and Demands We Make Our Own <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/colombian-brothers-and-sisters-your.html>  
We not only empathize with your demands for justice and the desperate situation you have faced in these last days, decades and centuries, imposed by so-called governments. We feel the sadness of your injured and dead. Your pain is ours, too. Your struggle is not only an indigenous struggle confined to Colombia. We have made this struggle ours, for it is one for life, peace and human dignity, values that transcend all false borders. [∑] Our victory will be the laughter of our children, in dignified peace and freedom.
La Chiva Collective, Canada, Canada-Colombia Project, 24 October 2008

International Federation of Human Rights: No More Murders of Indigenous Peoples in Colombia  <http://www.colectivodeabogados.org/article.php3?id_article=1446>
The FIDH repudiates this disproportionate use of force and expresses its profound concern for the reports of armed civilians protected by the police shooting at the protestors from the mountainside, as well as for the acts of barbarity committed by members of ESMAD, which resulted gravely wounding an indigenous person with a machete. They had also left this person on the ground for several hours and impeded the arrival of ambulances to assist him.
FIDH, 18 October 2008

European Union Parlaimentarians' Declaration <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/eu-parliamentarians-declaration-on.html>
A model for Canadian and US representatives?
Various MEPs, European Union

Communiques (ACIN)

The Minga Continues: We are Neither, Nor Do We Condone, Terrorists  <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/minga-continues-we-neither-are-nor-do.html>
We will defend ourselves with no arms other than our staffs of authority. We call on all social movements and peoples to mobilize, but to do it without arms, peacefully and towards the fulfilment of the objectives of the agenda. Those who use arms act expressly against the orientation and position of the process and the Minga, serving the regime the excuse it needs to attack.
ACIN, translated by La Chiva, 16 October 2008

Uribe, ¿por qué no te callas?  <http://www.nasaacin.org/noticias.htm?x=8987>
Impresionante. El Presidente rodeado de la cúpula militar en el Palacio de Nariño. El General Naranjo vuelve a hablar con su característica convicción y fuerza. Estaban rectificando con supuesta valentía una mentira: la Policía sí disparó. Pero habría sido mejor que se callara a que rectificara una mentira con otras.
ACIN, Nasa-ACIN http://www.nasaacin.org <http://www.nasaacin.org/>  , 23 de octubre 2008

Articles

La Otra Colombia  <http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2008/10/24/index.php?section=opinion&amp;article=028a1pol>
La Minga es el modo en que los de abajo han decidido "concertar la palabra y convertirla en camino". Es apenas el primer paso. Pero el que marca el rumbo y deja huella.
Raul Zibechi, La Jornada, 24 de octubre 2008

Who is Behind Today's Six Bomb Blasts in Bogotá?  <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/who-is-behind-todays-six-bomb-blasts-in.html%20>
The editorial writer for El Tiempo, (which just so happens to be owned by the Vice President's family) tells us we should not come to any preconceived conclusions that ultimately play into the hands of terrorists by "planting uncertainty in the people," thereby destroying "the confidence the country has recuperated in its institutions." It is ironic that this so-called "confidence" in the country's institutions comes amidst the troubling revelations at the DAS, the mass indigenous mobilizations in the south, and the ongoing Para-política scandal surrounding close allies of the president, a scandal that, for various reasons, seems to have been put on hold for the time being as the media focus on other unfolding crises.
Mario A. Murillo, MAMARadio <http://www.mamaradio.blogspot.com/> , 23 October 2008.

To Cut Down a Rebellion  <http://www.killingtrain.com/node/657>
On the convergence of the sugarcane workers' struggle and that of the indigenous of Northern Cauca∑ "Colombia's movements continue to shoulder more than their fair burden against one of the most brutal regimes in the hemisphere. The regime can't be allowed to drown out their story."
Justin Podur, Killing Train, 21 October 2008

Por que decidimos marchar a Cali y NO a Popayan  <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/por-que-decidimos-marchar-cali.html>
La Minga de Resistencia Social y Comunitaria decidió marchar de La María (Piendamó-Cauca) hacia la ciudad de Cali. En ningún momento se pensó ir a Popayán, capital del departamento. Esa decisión tiene razones de gran peso político. La Minga tiene conciencia de que hoy ya no enfrentamos a la vieja clase terrateniente de Popayán. A ella la derrotamos en los años 80 del siglo pasado (s. XX) cuando empezamos a recuperar, de hecho, nuestro territorio.
Anonymous, La Maria-Piendamo, 21 de octubre 2008

Media Representations of Popular Mobilizations Ignore Movement's Message  <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/media-representations-of-popular.html>
This is an excellent article on the propaganda war waged by the Colombian mainstream media against the participants of the Minga. It would take a video broadcast by CNN to force Uribe to admit that the army had indeed fired on protesters (see the video by CNN's Karl Penhaul below).
Mario A. Murillo, MAMARadio, 18 October 2008

Audio

Indigenous Colombians Begin 10,000-Strong March Against Uribe Government  <http://www.democracynow.org/2008/10/23/indigenous_colombians_begin_10_000_strong>
More than 10,000 indigenous Colombians have begun a protest march against President Alvaro Uribe. Marchers are protesting the militarization of their territories, the US-Colombia Free Trade Agreement, and the failure of Uribe's administration to fulfill various accords with the indigenous communities. We speak to Rafael Coicué, an indigenous leader who lost sight in his left eye when he was assaulted by [ESMAD ˆ the Colombian Riot Police], and Mario Murillo, a US journalist and professor currently in Colombia.
Democracy Now!, 23 October 2008

Update from Cauca, Colombia: Indigenous resistance and state repression  <http://www.radio4all.net/responder.php/download/29695/34338/50146/?url=http://www.radio4all.net:8080/files/dawnpaley@gmail.com/3632-1-caucaoct162008.mp3>
Colombian activist Manuel Rozental discusses the current situation in Cauca and outlines the five point popular and indigenous agenda proposed by the Minga
Interview by Dawn Paley, The Dominion <http://www.dominionpaper.ca/weblogs/dawn/2213> , 16 October 2008

Videos

CNN Exposes what the Colombian Press Could Not  <http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/10/22/colombia.shooting.video/index.html#cnnSTCVideo>
Uribe was forced to respond to this specific report by CNN, showing what the ACIN has been proving all along. Still, with over 130 wounded and one dead, Uribe claimed that one member of the public forces had opened fired on the protesters. One bad apple?
Karl Penhaul reports for CNN, 22 October 2008

Rafael Coicue on CNN en espanol  <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/rafael-coicu-on-cnn-en-espaol.html>
Long-time indigenous activist, Rafael Coicue, explains the situation in Cauca. Rafael was shot in the eye this past July 2008 by ESMAD, the Colombian riot squad, while passing by confrontations on his motorcycle, costing him vision in one of his eyes. This interview is in Spanish; however, for English content, please check out Rafael and Mario Murillo on Democracy Now! (above).

Uribe miente: pruebas contundentes  <http://video.google.es/videoplay?docid=3246911261618368591&amp;hl=es>
A pesar de que el presidente Álvaro Uribe insiste en que los pueblos indígenas somos terroristas y niega la brutal agresión de la fuerza pública contra la movilización de los pueblos, aquí están los hechos que demuestran todo lo contrario.
Video produced by ACIN, 22 de octubre 2008

Call for Action

  
THE MINGA MUST BE TRANSNATIONAL
 

You've read the communiqués, watched and listened to the videos and audio. You recognize the need for, and value of, international pressure in support of the popular and indigenous Minga of the Peoples and against the repression of the regime in Colombia. You recognize the complicity of the Canadian government by declaring the regime a close ally, negotiating a free trade agreement with no one's consent but its own, and remaining silent while the regime massacres its own people. You want to do something about it.

As a first emergency step, we encourage you to write letters to your MPs, the Prime Minister's Office, the Canadian Embassy in Bogota, and the Colombian Presidency telling them that you will not stand for it. "Not in our name," as they say. If you don't feel you have the time to write a letter of your own, copy and paste or print off one of the letters above, and tell them you support it (The Pueblos en Camino Letter <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/letter-to-prime-minister-harper.html>  is an excellent model, which you can also sign on to by sending an email to caucasupport@gmail.com).

This should take less than five minutes. Easy peasy!

Write them∑
Prime Minister's Office: pm@pm.gc.ca
Canadian Embassy in Bogota: bgota@international.gc.ca

Phone them∑
Department of Foreign Affairs: 1-800-267-8376 (toll-free in Canada)
Canadian Embassy in Bogota: 011 (57 1) 657 9800

Better yet∑

  
LET'S FAX IT TO THEM!
 

La Chiva is organizing a 'fax action' campaign directed at the targets identified below. This weekend, we will be sending all we can to these offices (and over and over again) to ensure that the Minga's agenda is heard. We encourage you to join us!

  
Fax Action Targets

Canadian Embassy in Bogota: 011 (57 1) 657 9912
Prime Minister's Office: 1 (613) 941 6900
Department of Foreign Affairs: 1 (613) 996 9709
 

Aside from this initial campaign, supporting the Minga is a process. The Minga is more than an indigenous proposal but one for all peoples. Everyone has their own particular part to play. Free trade agreements affect us all, as do the privatization of our healthcare system, the superficial nature of our democratic processes, the 'flexibilization' of our livelihoods, the conversion of all life into a commodity, the planet a wasteland. The same transnational 'death project' targeted by the Minga is in our cities, towns, schools, hospitals, and forests.

Given that (and more!), we propose that the Minga be transnational. Let's get moving∑

Que todas las causas sean nuestras! Tod@s somos nasas!


La Chiva is a collective of people working in solidarity with Colombian and Canadian social movements and communities.

http://www.canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com

lachivacollective@gmail.com



  


La Chiva is a collective of people working in solidarity with Colombian and Canadian social movements and communities.

http://www.canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com

lachivacollective@gmail.com

Sunday, October 26, 2008

OPEN LETTER FROM THE DETAINED SUGAR CANE WORKERS

( Translated by Steve Cagan, a CSN volunteer translator)

NOTE FROM CSN : For their protection CSN has withheld their names and identification numbers

Departments of Valle del Cauca and Cauca, Colombia
October 20, 2008
 
Open Letter
 
To the negotiating commission and the coordinating committee of the 14th of June Movement of Sugar Cane Industry Workers
 
To the accompanying social and union organizations
 
To the human rights organizations and the workers’ organizations in Colombia and in the world
 
To the men and women workers and their families who serve the sugar industry in the departments of Valle del Cauca and Cauca

It was in a true stupor that we are witnessing the irresponsible, anti-juridical and reckless way that the national government, through President of the republic Dr. Álvaro Uribe Vélez, the Minister of Social Protection. Dr. Diego Palacios B., and the Director General of the National Police. Brigadier general Oscar Naranjo are trying to criminalize the just and legitimate social mobilization of the works of the sugar cane industry in the departments of Valle del Cauca and Cauca, by means of express accusations intended to bring judicial cases against the leaders of the June 14th Movement, and against anyone who has accompanied this process looking for mediation formulas for this serious labor conflict, treating them as presumed infiltrators, connected with illegal groups.
 
These false accusations, made repeatedly from the mouths of the President of the Republic, his most direct functionaries and cabinet ministers not only reflect an absolute lack of understanding of what is happening in the region and in the southwest of the country, in terms of the serious social and labor crisis being experienced by the population that serves the sugar industry, but also makes evident the most noxious intention to repress, through stigmatizing and the most shameless and fallacious political persecution, the permanent assembly of the cane cutters who are on strike.
 
It is not true that the peaceful and legitimate activity of the people mentioned is a result of the promotion, instigation and infiltration of agents from outside the reality of the workers and their families, and much less that they in turn are linked to “the guerillas of the FARC.” Just as it is also untrue that presence in solidarity of international people accompanying them, human rights defenders, journalists and visitors to our country, are part of a conspiracy against regional security. Through these accusations, the national government, in association with the big businessmen of the sugar industry and their partners, are trying to force, in a fraudulent way against the most elemental guarantees of due process, a criminal investigation of the leaders of the 14th of June workers’ movement, among whom are their official spokesperson, the workers and cane cutter José Oney Valencia, two more members of the Coordinating Committee of the movement who like the former are workers, cane cutters, who are natural leaders among their coworkers, and their advisors: Alberto Bejarano S. and Juan Pablo Ochoa, members of the legislative technical unit of Senator Alexander López Maya. All of them are signers of this open letter.
 
The serious crisis of the workers in the sugar industry and their families who have supported the declaration of the Permanent Assembly of a strike this past September 15, 2008, corresponds to the calamitous labor and social situation to which the labor model of the sugar industry, supported by the “Associated Work Cooperatives,” has led. It’s a contract regimen that has meant nothing else than ruin and super-exploitation of the workers, their families and their communities in the geographic valley of the Cauca River, under an unjust and irrational model that loads onto the hourly workers all the obligations of work and benefits, concentrates and exploits resources, devastates the land and reduces life to misery in the  midst of the most outrageous accumulation of wealth.
 
The inability of officialdom to understand this elemental reality (they who knew about these facts in advance, facts that jump out at those who know nothing about it) and the limitless arrogance of the owners of the sugar industry, who have systematically refused a negotiated settlement of the demands presented to ASOCAÑA [the sugar growers’ association—SC] by the workers this past July 14, 2008 have led to the most serious social and labor crisis that the Colombian southwest has seen in recent decades. And to this is now added the absurd and incendiary attempt by the President of Colombia to lead this conflict into judicial structures. This once again confirms in an urgent way the impotence of the State to take up negotiated resolutions to social conflicts, and how in an intolerant way, [the State] opts for the denial of the rights to association, meeting, mobilizing and protest of Colombian citizens.
 
In the same way, we claim the right of the workers and their families to be accompanied in their struggle for their rights by sister labor, and human rights, by the Senate of the Republic, and by whatever area of our society that—within the institutional framework and according to the very guarantees of the social state of law, consecrated in the preamble to the Political Constitution—are in solidarity with the cause of the most humble and vulnerable of society. It is not possible that for the political regime and the sugar oligarchy these basic acts of shared citizenry and solidarity be converted into grounds for trial and acts that are stigmatized and persecuted by the authorities, precisely those who are responsible to maintain social cohesion and the rule of the fundamental rights of citizens. In the sugar industry in Colombia over years systematic processes of denial of the guarantees for workers and communities have been incubated which have generated a disgraceful state of affairs in which abuse by the dominant is converted into the normal course of daily life. True social and labor order, which can only begin to return through the democratic actions of the State and institutions, and the proactive exercise of constitutional rights and citizen action. This is exactly what has happened, in the case of those who have been permanently accompanying the workers and their families in the last period of time, as well as public servants in the exercise of precise functions and powers that are legal and constitutional that assist the Senate of the Republic en the matter of political control of the executive and the natural speaking out of the Congress in society. We add to this our programmatic calling as activists in the Polo Democrático Alternativo [Alternative Democratic Pole—SC] political party, which unhesitatingly accompanies the struggles of the sugar cane workers, in the search for a negotiated settlement based in law to the demands of the communities. Receiving instead from the national government the most exaggerated disqualifications and answers of the clearest authoritarian style, which fall upon the workers and their cause, accusing and persecuting without basis through the illegitimate actions of the Uribist government, which intimidates them without recognizing the essence of their claims.
 
We are making a public appeal to the Governor of Valle, Dr. Juan Carlos Abadía; to the Public Ministry headed by the Inspector General of the Nation; to the human rights organizations in Colombia and the world; to the workers’ movement in Colombia and in all the democratic nations in our hemisphere and Europe; to mobilize and prevent the intentions of the national government and the sugar bosses to repress and make illegal the just and peaceful appeal of the Permanent Assembly of the sugar industry workers in the departments of Valle and Cauca through defamation and judicial fraud from being realized.
 
We equally publicize our intention to make a statement on our own to the Attorney General of the Nation, to respond to any questions of the competent authorities about what we and our workers have done. Convinced as we are of our innocence and our procedures, in accord with the very lines of the exercise of rights and guarantees given by the Political Constitution. We call attention to the fact that at this moment there are no guarantees for the exercise of due process and the right of defense in a judicial investigation deeply tainted by the incorrect and illegal interference by the national government, headed by the President of the Republic and his most direct agents. Therefore, we make an emergency call on the international system of human rights protection accredited in Colombia to intervene urgently and in accord with their capacity to guarantee an impartial trial, following the law and the international commitments that the state has undertaken in this area.
 
To the workers and their families in the Permanent Assembly, we call on you to try every peaceful and civil means to gain a negotiated outcome to this labor conflict, just as you have done up to this point. Overcoming persecution by officials, the intransigence and arrogance of the sugar association, and motivated not because of the action of supposed and unfounded influences, but by the unwavering conviction in the justice of your cause and the overwhelming necessity to win the objectives put forward in the set of demands presented last July 14, 2008 to the sugar association and the Agriculture and Spical Protection Ministries.
 
We maintain our un breakable faith in the motives that have sustained the workers’ movement in the geographic valley of the Cauca River to defend their right to work and their right to a future, for the good of their families and their communities.
 
Our committed citizens’ greeting, our greatest consideration and solidarity,
 
Signed,
 






















Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Friday, October 24, 2008

Threats to indigenous community media amid demonstrations against Uribe government

From Reporters without borders


Indigenous community media in Cauca department southern Colombia have been experienced paralysing and mysterious technical problems preventing or slowing news coverage as indigenous demonstrations degenerated into clashes with security forces. Journalist Silsa Arias of the National Indigenous Organisation of Colombia (Onic) told Reporters Without Borders that its server had suffered repeating hacking attacks and blocking of web pages between 17-19 October. Community radios have been hit by power cuts that have taken programmes off air. "We are expressing our concerns about these incidents, particularly because in every case they happen exactly at the time when news is being broadcast about abuses by security forces during demonstrations," the worldwide press freedom organisation said. "We also condemn the attitude of the government which, by putting the indigenous communities in the same category as the Farc guerrillas, expose journalists from these communities to harsh reprisals", it added.
These attempts at censorship have fuelled increased tension in the region and demonstrate a determination to silence journalists attending these demonstrations. The security forces have toughened crackdowns on these indigenous movements, which are unhappy that the government has failed to keep its promises on land redistribution. Two people have been killed and 70 injured in violence since 15 September.
________

Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Wednesday, October 22, 2008

European Parlamentarias protest repression in Colombia

(Courtesy of Manuel Rozental)

Parliamentary declaration
About the repression of the indigenous and trade unionist movements in Colombia

Ê

We, the undersigned MEPs, have been informed about the repression perpetrated against the indigenous demonstrations taking place since October 12th in different Colombian regions, and the murder of 27 indigenous people, the disappearance of many more and the injuring of others. We have also learned about the repression against the sugar cane workers movement which begun in September.

Ê

We want to express our deep indignation about these serious violations of indigenous and trade unionists' rights that should not go unpunished.

Ê

We consider as legitimate the claims of the indigenous people for the respect of their land and autonomy, for the survival of their 102 different peoples, of which 18 are in constant danger of disappearance and for the indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources. Likewise we recognize the legitimate claims of the sugar cane workers for decent work.Ê
We urge the Colombian government to order the police and army force to immediately stop the repression against the indigenous peoples' and workers' movement.Ê
We express our rejection of the unfounded expulsion of three European citizens who were observing the current demonstrations.Ê
We condemn the permanent use of the pretext of fighting against terrorism to repress the social movement in Colombia.
- Vittorio Agnoletto, ItalyÊ

- AndrŽ Brie, GermanyÊ

- Giusto Catania, ItalyÊ

- Gabriele Cretu,Ê Romania

- Bairbre De Brun, Ireland

- Ilda Figueiredo, Portugal

- Claudio Fava, ItalyÊ

- Monica Frassoni , Italy

- Vicente GarcŽs, Spain

- Ana Maria Gomes, Portugal

- Pedro Guerreiro , Portugal

- Umberto Guidoni, ItalyÊ

- Jens Holm, Sweden

- Richard Howitt, United Kindom

- Marie Anne Isler-BŽguin, FranceÊ

- Eva Lichtenberger, Austria

- Marie-Noelle Lienemann, FranceÊ

- Caroline Lucas, United KindomÊ

- Mary Lou Mac Donald, IrelandÊ

- Helmuth Markov, GermanyÊ

- Erik Meijer, HollandÊ

- Willy Meyer-Pleite, SpainÊ

- Luisa Morgantini, ItalyÊ

- Tobias PflŸger, GermanyÊ

- Miguel Portas, PortugalÊ

- Miloslav Ransdorf, Czech RepublicÊ

- Marco Rizzo, ItalyÊ

- Raul Romeva Rueda, SpainÊ

- Esko Seppanen, FinlandÊ

- Eva-Britt Svensson, SwedenÊ

- Feleknas Uca, GermanyÊ

- Gabriele Zimmer, Germany.

VERIFICATION OF THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CATATUMBO

(Translated by Anne Boylon, a CSN volunteer translator)

      PRELIMINARY REPORT ISSUED BY THE SECOND COMMISSION OF
 
VERIFICATION OF THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CATATUMBO
                                                   July 6 – July 11  2008
 
 
The Commission
 
Various human rights organizations participated in the Commission:  the Colombian European and United States Coordination, the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes, the Planeta Paz Platform, CODHES, the Corporation for the Development of the Colombian Northeast, the Lawyers’ Collective, and the Rural Association of Catatumbo – ASCAMCAT.  International observation organisms also took part:  the International Peace Brigades, and the International Peace Observatory (IPO).  Also attending were delegates from the Vice-President’s Office of Communities at Risk and the Procurator from the  Municipality of San Calixto.
 
The principal objective of the Commission was to follow up the extremely serious reports collected in the first verification commission which took place from August 9th – August 12th in 2007.  During this session the Commission documented 160 human rights violations involving official criminal and disciplinary liability on the part of the national army’s Mobile Brigades No. 15 and XXX.  Serious concerns about supervision and control on the part of local, national and departmental supervisory organisms charged with the protection and guarantee of human rights were also noted.  After a visual inspection of Catatumbo, in which 360 delegates from 51 rural communities from the El Carmen, Convencion, Teorama and Tarra municipalities took part, the commission verified that the following situations continue:
 
1)   Serious human rights violations persist in the municipalities of El Carmen, Convencion, Tecrama and el Tarra.  In these rural areas of scarce economic resources, the inhabitants continue to be the victims of arbitrary and illegal actions by the National Army:  indiscriminate bombings, illegal detentions, threats, psychological and physical torture, registrations, illegal searches, illegal occupations of schools, lootings and plunders, illegal charges, destructions of goods and, the most egregious, extrajudicial executions of rural inhabitants by the army which are later justified as a necessary part of their counter-insurgency fight
 
2) Fumigations, which in the majority of cases are accompanied by bombings and machine-gun fire.  These are serious violations of human rights and have resulted in grave risk to the lives, physical integrity, health, livelihoods and food security of the region’s inhabitants.  The environment and natural resources of the area have also been affected – wells have been contaminated and the delivery of drinking water was disrupted in the Tarra municipality for three days.
3) The implementation of the National’s Government’s Reinsertion Program by the national army which uses illegal and arbitrary methods: intimidation, coercion, psychological pressure, threats of judicial prosecution, false orders of detention and physical maltreatment; and, in an attempt to get information about the structure and membership of the insurgency, direct threats on the lives of the Catatumbo people.  In addition to these violent persuasions, army personnel have tried to entice people to join the Reinsertion Program and to incriminate members of their own community by bribery, with offers of money. There sole purpose in engaging in these criminally violent behaviors is to show the country that the Reinsertion program is a success.
 
4) The armed insurgent groups continue carrying out actions that are prohibited by International Human Rights Law:  the use of anti-personnel mines, combat in civilian areas and attacks against the oil pipelines in Cano Limon Covenas.  These actions affect the peace, food security, health and the ability to enjoy a peaceful and healthy environment.
 
5) In that which concerns the paramilitaries, indications are that the denouncements which have compromised the participation of the demobilized in the paramilitary structure have resulted in their joining the ranks of the army in the region. There have also been denouncements of a paramilitary presence – the self-named Aguilas Negras (Black Eagles) - in the Carmen, Ocana and Tecrema municipalities.  The on-going intimidation of the National Army intensifies the danger these groups represent to the population in that the army uses these groups to terrify the civilians by threatening to unleash these same “black eagles” on them and their communities.
 
6)  The communities were very gratified with the work of the Commission which heard their denouncements and descriptions of the attacks committed against them by armed groups, since neither the authorities nor the judicial organisms have taken any notice of their complaints and denouncements; nor have there been any positive results from the cases that have been investigated and sanctioned.  This lack of action has led to the necessity of reporting the violations directly to the Procurators Offices in Ocana and Cucuta.
 
7)) Those of us who accompanied the Commission have since received threats by members of the police force who have indicated that the leaders of the rural association of Catatumbo are now a military objective.  Because of this threat we are requesting that the Colombian State adopt the necessary measures to guarantee the life, personal integrity, and the civil and human rights of the leaders of the Catatumbo Rural Association and of all of its members.
 
8) As a consequence of the ongoing violence in the region, the victims of forced displacement, who never received the attention and social-economic help they needed, have decided to return to their territories. However, they still have not received any guarantees nor have they been helped by any accompaniment from the National System of Integral Attention to the displaced population.
 
9) The abandonment by the state in the Catatumbo region is manifest in the total lack of social investment in the area: there is a continuing lack of teachers in the schools and a high turnover; the health clinics lack infrastructure, medical personnel and resources; the roadways are neglected and in ruinous conditions.  These are only some of the many deficiencies.
 
 
                  THEREFORE, THE COMMISSION
                        RECOMMENDS


First:  
That the control organisms and relevant authorities move forward the investigations and adopt exemplary sanctions relative to the denouncements that the inhabitants of Catatumbo have been making for the last year.

Second:  That the national, departmental and local authorities and the national and international human rights organizations coordinate and organize a new verification commission in order to follow up the human rights situation in Catatumbo; that they guarantee the participation of the state organisms of control and the General Procurator of the Nation in said commission.
 
Third:  The implementation of public policies and integral development plans for Catatumbo with the full participation of the communities; the promotion and protection of the human rights and of the quality of life of the Catatumbo inhabitants.
 

Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net


























Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Saturday, October 18, 2008

Help to protect the legal right to protest in Colombia


    On October 17, CSN received and urgent message from our Movimiento Campesino Cajibio Sister Community, asking us to speak out against the Uribe Government's violent supression of indigenous marches that started Êin Cauca Department Êbut also were coordinated with indigenous communities in Choco, Caldas, Guajira, Huila,Casanare, Meta, Norte de Santander Êthat now not only grow all over the country, but are joined by peasant, miners and worker's unions. For years the Uribe government has failed to follow through Êon promises to protect the indigenous land rights and to keep them safe from attack by all armed actors - the Army, the guerrillas and the paramilitaries. In light of the Uribe administration's promotion of a Free TradeÊAgreementÊ(FTA) with Colombia that would decimate peasant and indigenous communities and of a new agricultural law that would undermine their right to their historic homelands, the indigenous in Cauca marched onto the Panamerican Highway in protest. President Uribe responded by calling them "terrorists" and collaborators with the FARC guerrillas and sent Army troops to forcibly suppress them. So far, more than 100 persons have been injured and 2 have been killed as the Army fires bullets at peaceful protesters.

    Since a push for the FTA has come from the Bush administration and since the U.S. provides hundreds of millions of dollars in military equipment and training to the Colombian armed forces each year, we have a special responsibility to try to have the U.S. government curb President Uribe's vicious armed assault on innocent unarmed civilians. The CUT labor federation and the Polo ÊDemocratico Party in Colombia have dennounced the Uribe attacks on the people. Now it is time to add our voices to the chorus calling for President Uribe to end the military campaign against the indigenous communities, to recognize their legal rights to their lands and to hold implementation of the disastrous FTA.Ê

    Please write to your Senators and Representatives and ask them to support indigenous rights in Colombia and to oppose the FTA.

ÊGo to our website www.colombiasupport.net <http://www.colombiasupport.net>  and click on Action Center

Also, send messages to :

Thomas Shannon
Assistant ÊSecretary Western Hemisphere
shannonta@state.gov

Ambassador William Brownfield
AmbassadorB@state.gov

Presidencia de la República
Dr. Álvaro Uribe Vélez, Presidente de la República
E-mail: auribe@presidencia.gov.co
Or check his website www.presidencia.gov.co <http://www.presidencia.gov.co> Ê

Vicepresidencia de la República
Dr. Francisco Santos,
E-mail: fsantos@presidencia.gov.co; buzon1@presidencia.gov.co

Vice- Minister of Defense
Sergio Jaramillo
Sergio.jaramillo@mindefensa.gov.co


Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net


Friday, October 17, 2008

[encamino-info] Colombia: Indigenous and popular uprising proposal

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[encamino-info] Colombia: Indigenous and popular uprising proposal

  

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No More Terror and Avarice:

 

We propose a new path for the people for a new country.

 
 
  
October 16, 2008
  
 
  
Author: Minga of the People
  
 
  
What we are proposing today was already presented to the public in September 2004, when we organized the First Indigenous and Popular Congress. They are five basic points that cover many other issues. We have listened with considerable attention to the voices of many diverse sectors within Colombia and throughout the world. We have clearly put forward what it is that hurts us, and have compiled the accumulated pain of many peoples and processes. We want to be practical and concrete.
  
 
  
People who occupy important positions of authority in this country - an authority they have surrendered as a result of their actions and words – have come out publicly to say we are terrorists. Absurdly, they accuse us of attacking the Armed Forces, the largest and most powerful Army of all of Latin America, the greatest recipient of U.S. military technology and training, one that launched a military assault combining the force of the Army and the Police, with tanks and armed soldiers, firing live ammunition against men, women and children who have nothing but wooden staffs and stones. They injure more than sixty Indians, the majority with bullets. They assassinate at least two civilians, and mistreat common men and women of the communities. They burned houses, and committed acts of unquestionable brutality, destroying medical and first aid equipment and damaging food supplies, acting like criminals under the order of the Executive.
  
 
  
Nevertheless, when we detained and protected one member of the police force, and we returned him safe and sound to the authorities, a government minister called us “terrorists.” We don’t have the right, according to him, to detain those same police who are shooting at us trying to kill us. According to him, we only have the right to let them kill us, to mistreat us with obedience to the politics of terror of the regime. According to the President, who gave the order for the brutal attack against us, his government has complied with everything related to the indigenous communities. From his perspective, we are savages, we are dumb, we are irrational. Mr. President, not only have you not fulfilled your obligations to the people, but there are several other fundamental issues that we are raising that you can no longer ignore. We are not liars, we are not savages, we are not irrational.
  
 
  
The government says we are being manipulated by “dark forces,” that FARC has infiltrated our organization and movement. We state through our actions that we are not terrorists, that we are not with the insurgency, that our struggle is legitimate, it is autonomous, and that we do not act under the orders of FARC or any other so-called “dark forces.” We have unmasked a professional soldier who had infiltrated us, sent by the public security forces in an attempt to validate these lies of the President. If there are Indians involved in the insurgency, or any other armed group, it is a personal decision of theirs that goes against our organizational and community process. Stop shooting, stop robbing, stop burning and lying. Stop using your public power to exercise terror against the people. You’re wrong. Respect and listen. It is the only way.
  
 
  
The majority of the members of Congress that support the government of President Uribe, those legislators who have elaborated and approved the laws that displace us of our rights and our liberties, occupy their official spaces with the backing of paramilitary groups, and are involved in the Para-politics scandal currently under investigation. Neither they nor the laws they have approved have any degree of legitimacy.
  
 
  
It is time for us to reiterate our position to the rest of the world. We direct ourselves to all peoples and leaders. We come to you as a result of our struggle, and with the meaning of peoples and processes. With humility we recognize that we don’t hold the universal truth. But with pride we defend our reality. Up to now we haven’t even been listened to. Is it that there is so much fear about what we have to say that we are prevented from even being heard? Listening to us with attention and respect will generate what it is we are looking for: a frank, and sincere dialogue that will lead to concrete consequences and profound transformations. To refuse to listen to us, to call us liars, to say we are manipulated by “dark forces,” to say that we don’t have any proposals, is to fear dialogue, to fear change, to fear the future.
  
 
  
We believe that we are correct. We have thought this through carefully. We have questioned our own goals and options. We have observed and discussed a lot. What we are proposing here as an agenda is what we have come to agreement on amongst ourselves, because we believe in diversity, in open debate, in differences, and there are differences amongst us. We will continue discussing, and constructing in a constant dialogue, because we know that there is not only one truth.
  
 
  
La  Minga of the People that commemorates 516 years of oppression and resistance is a concrete message. So that people will listen to us, so that people stop trying to kill us and displace us, we have come out, we have blocked roadways, we march. And we will continue to do so until our word is respected, and through the course of dialogue we can transform this reality of misery and horror into one of equilibrium, harmony and liberty. It’s not so difficult to understand: Either our proposals are seriously considered in order to construct an agenda of change, or Mother Earth will be forever in a process of extermination. To do otherwise is to accept the destruction of life. This we cannot accept, we cannot let this happen.
  
 
  
We act with precise urgency. We risk our lives and offer our lives for life. We struggle with all our capacity against the sophisticated propaganda that is nothing more than well-crafted lies, against laws and measures that impose the interests of others against life itself and justice. We call on therefore, on the wisdom, the serenity and the respect that comes with dialogue. We love and defend dialogue. But we do so mobilized with firmness. We are people of our word and of dialogue. We live it through our assemblies, and within our Life Plans. Everything that we have created is based on a process of dialogue between contradictions and differences. We therefore need and call on an interlocutor who is legitimate, with whom we can dialogue. And we are totally committed to engage in this process.
  
 
  
What is it that we are proposing?
  
 
  

  1. That the necessary conditions for a process of dialogue are immediately established, in order to discuss the five main points of the agenda that we propose;
  2. That the dialogue is carried out under the watch and with the backing of legitimate and unquestionably credible persons, and with authority that is recognized in any part of the world;
  3. That in this dialogue, every sector of society is represented, according to democratic mechanisms of participation, giving priority to the majority of the population that has been excluded, marginalized and      exploited;
  4. That the agenda of the people is developed through a very deliberative and transparent and effective process, and that this gives us the time to construct the country we so desire, step by step;
  5. That honesty, truth and respect become non-negotiable  conditions for the development of this dialogue, and those that violate these principles are excluded from participating in the process.
 
 
  
 
  
Main Issues for the Agenda of Dialogue
  
 
  
These themes encompass many other issues that can fit within each agenda point. We present these more as chapters of the dialogue, whereby each sector involved in the dialogue can have input on the specific issues and points that should be discussed. We recognize that this is simply the beginning of a longer process of listening, absorbing, analyzing and ordering a detailed agenda for the urgent transformations that are necessary. The agenda should not be one of exclusion. All the issues and points of all the people should be considered. The agenda that we propose is the following:
  
 
  
  1. We reject the Economic Model of global transnational capital and the Free Trade Agreements strategies that have been negotiated with the United States, Canada and the European nations. These treaties are part of a nefarious strategy on the part of major global economic powers. The process of negotiation and the results of these agreements are a threat to our cultures and our  territories, our sovereignty. They surrender our collective resources to  corporate interests and trans-nationals, and directly threaten our Mother Earth. These are not treaties between people but against people;
  2. No more war, no more  terror; we reject the government’s so-called “Democratic Security Strategy,” Plan Colombia, the dirty war, para-politics, he militarization  of society and the criminalization of popular protest. We call on truth, justice and reparations for the crimes committed against the people. War is not the answer. And those people who have committed crimes against the people, such as former Cauca governor Juan José Chaux Mosquera, should be judged so that their bad examples will never again be repeated and the victims will be compensated;
  3. No to the Constitutional Counter-reforms and legislation of  displacement that has been implemented under the current government, measures that surrender our rights to private interests, and that submit us to silence and forced labor, to exclusion and ultimately death.
  4. Demand the observance and strict abidance to the agreements and obligations that guarantee the rights and freedoms of all people such as the ILO agreement 169, the UN Declaration on Human Rights of Indigenous      peoples and others.
  5. The creation of mechanisms of sovereignty, peace and coexistence in order to develop and make reality our agenda through a permanent Congress of the Peoples.
 
 
  
 
  
Which Way Forward?
  
 
  
  1. Public security forces must retreat from all indigenous  territories for a definitive time. The territory of Peace, Coexistence and      Dialogue in La Maria,  Piendamo should be respected and immediately evacuated. All the damage      caused by the military aggression of the last few days should be repaired  in an integral way;
  2. There should be an immediate cease fire, and an end to the repression against the people mobilized there;
  3. We demand that all armed actors leave our territories  immediately, and call for the establishment of territories free of war,  with civilian, international observers allowed in to monitor the situation, under the supervision of the Indigenous Guard of the Nasa   people;
  4. The popular, non-commercial media should be recognized, respected, listened to and supported as sources of truth for the unfolding  dialogue. The mass commercial media should be opened up in order to transmit the positions and the proposals of the people, of the excluded  voices, of the majority, and they should make public the truth of the repression and exclusion that we have faced, and not simply represent the perspectives of certain economic interests.
  5. We immediately call on the following people to serve as guarantors of the dialogue (without excluding other possible individuals  from the process):
    1. James Anaya, UN Special Relator for Indigenous People;
    2. Baltasar Garzón, internationally-recognized Judge, Center for Peace of Toldeo
    3. Evo Morales Ayma, President of Bolivia
    4. Blanca Chancoso, indigenous leader from Ecuador
 
 
  
 
  
In Colombia, we are seeing an indigenous and popular uprising that is on the march. They can, through all the force of terror and propaganda, try to silence us once again. But we will rise up again, and we will continue in Minga until the will of the people is fulfilled.
  
 
  
Minga de los Pueblos
  
Territory of Diálogue, Coexistence and Peace
  
La María, Piendamó
  
October 16, 2008.
  
 ________________________________________
 Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net

Thursday, October 16, 2008

THE TWO FACES OF THE LABOUR CONFLICT

THE TWO FACES OF THE LABOUR CONFLICT IN THE SUGAR CANE INDUSTRY IN COLOMBIA




                                       (Translation by Deryn Collins, a CSN volunteer translator)
 
 
Written by  Berenice Celeyta A., Nomadesc.
 
THE FACE OF THE WORKERS

They are men tanned by the sun, strong, seasoned, who work in the countryside, sowing, watering, cleaning, cutting and collecting the cane; others work in the factories producing sugar, ethanol, and industrial alcohol and where their principal labour is working with chemicals. We are talking about at least 14,000 workers in the Sugar Cane Industry of the Valle de Cauca, who have worked in slave conditions since the thirties. They come from Cauca, Choco, Patia and other zones of Narino, looking for the opportunity to work in face of increasing unemployment in the region, others come from closer – from Pradera, Amaime, El Placer, Guacari and El Cerrito.
 
They are the workers of the 13 sugar plantations that are located along the valley of the River Cauca. The majority can show you their calloused hands that wield the machetes with which they cut the cane and their pronounced muscles from working between 12 to 14 hours daily.  For decades they have generated the wealth for 5 families and four of the top economic groups in the country. They have been to the Permanent Assembly (Asamblea Permanente) to show the country and the World that worker’s rights are gained with an iron will to change the inhuman conditions under which they actually live.
 
They have been exploited work wise since the factories arrived, but maintain that in the past things were better. One of the cane cutters of Ingenio Providencia, says slowly, calmly but forcefully: “in 1977 I had a direct contract, I could count on a salary, bonuses, holidays, a pension and Sunday especial payments. The work was hard, we had to work in difficult conditions but the wages were enough to live. On Sundays every one wanted to work because we would be paid the extra hours as dictated by law. Then the companies did not want to contract us directly anymore and made us work through contactors - we got lower salaries; weekly between 300.000 y 350.000. We had to pay the costs of the social security, but all this has  ended since we began the  “asociativas” (he is referring to the Work Associated Cooperatives - Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado) and it has been a headache for everyone, as we receive less than half, and some fortnights we receive 200.000 a  280.000 and that is for   “he who does not waste time”; and from this the deductions are made to pay for healthcare and pensions, these deductions sometimes reach between $ 180.000 and $ 200.000 pesos; so monthly you end up receiving between $ 220.000 a $ 360.000 when things go well and you tell me how anyone can live on this.”.
  
The nuclear family, on average consists of no less than 6 people, who live on less than the legal minimum wage: 461.500 pesos, 220 dollars; which goes on rent, public services, and schooling for the children, food, transport and health. The cutter«s wages fluctuate depending on production. It is piecework, there are days when cutting the cane is called “raspa raspa”, (literally scrape scrape) which is when they are cutting green cane from which organic sugar is extracted. This is, in their own words, the most thankless task because you cut and cut but the weight does not increase. The «burnt cane«, which is used to make ethanol, is denser and at least weighs a little more. For the workers the weight is important because it affects their salaries, each load is weighed and from this the wages are calculated. The equation is very simple, as well as cruel, a cutter is paid $5,700 per ton and to cut 3 tonnes he must work at least 12 hours daily.


These hardworking men, have made enormous efforts to make the government and the Sugar Cane industries that are associated in ASOCANA, understand that for any human being to continue working, dignified conditions of work are needed. They have used the Right to Petition, trusteeships, meetings with Congress, and public hearings -  such as that of the 14th of June in the municipal of Pradera; a hearing to which the industry and the government were invited but did not attend. Here in the pouring rain, the problems were denounced and a petition was presented, which was sent to ASOCANA.  
 
It was not easy to take the decision to strike on the 15th September, because it is playing with their livelihood, but more than 40 cutters have suffered serious injury due to the riotous action of the war lords. They put their lives on the line because they are dying of hunger and because the poor salaries are not enough to feed the family, let alone cover health care or the children’s studies.  They put their lives on the line because the Social State of Rights (Estado Social de Derecho), which applies today in Colombia, does not allow workers in this country, nor any organised social sector, to speak out against the devastating economic policies that the reign of terror imposes. This is the side of the workers, a face that looks forward, that does not hide in either treaties, nor lies but put its face to the wind, the gases, bullets and pellets that come from the other face of this conflict.   
 

 
THE FACE OF ASOCANA, THE GOVERNMENT & PUBLIC SECURUTY FORCES

It is difficult to describe them; they appear and disappear from political, economic and military scenes of the country. They are like “The Miracle of the Holy Trinity”, three distinct persons and only one true god. They are part of the political caste that for the last decade has written and approved the most backward reforms of any labour system in the world, which daily suffocate the rights of the Colombian workers.  They are the ones who designed Law 780 of 2002 and the Decree 4588 of the 27th December 2006. It is the side of those who have given passage too one of the most infamous forms of contract that has existed in the history of Colombia: The Cooperatives of the Associated Worker. (Las Cooperativas de Trabajo Asociado).  
 
This face of the conflict is represented by Diego Palacio, Minister of Social Protection, a controversial man involved in the Yidispolitica case where the serious violations of human rights committed by this government are actually being investigated. It is represented by the President of the Association of Sugar Cane Growers, Luis Fernando Londono Capurro, who, in the past,  has held the jobs of  Councillor of Cali, Governor of Valle, Minister of Agriculture, Senator of the Republic, President of the  Congress of the Republic and Director of the Liberal Party; and finally, represented by the  Public Forces (Army, Police, Organisms for State Security) these  constitutional institutions created to safeguard life, honour and the goods of the citizens but which repeatedly play the role of the aggressors of the workers and the organised sectors that fight  for the workers rights. The Public Forces have unleashed a military movement without precedent, they have converted the plantations into a theatre of war, carrying guns, grenades, artillery tanks, tanks with cannons that are used in regular wars, never in a social or labor conflict such as we are in.
 
This face is represented by the descendents of Sebasti‡n de Belalcazar, who according to history, between 1536 and 1537 during his stay in Yumbo, planted the first sugar canes. This crop extended all over the River Cauca valley and in 1930 there were three plantations: Manuelita, Providencia and R’opaila. In the region today are 13 plantations, that produce around 90.000 tonnes daily, and are owned by 4 of the country’s economic groups: Grupo Ardila Lule, Grupo Risaralda, Grupo Federacion de Cafeteros, Grupo Corporacion Financiera del Valle. All of whom are found in the 20 most powerful economic groups in the country.


 Plantation            Founded          Owner       Daily Production in tonnes   Incauca                 1963             Ardila Lule                   15.000   
  La Caba–a               1944           Familia  Seinjet                5.200   
  MayagŸez               1937        Familia Hurtado Holgu’n          6.000   
  Central Tumaco        1963        Familia  Salcedo Borrero         2.500   
  Providencia             1926           Ardila Lule                     8.500   
  Manuelita               1964            Familia Eder                    9.000   
  Pichichi                 1941        Familia Cabal Galindo             3.500   
  Mar’a Luisa             1930          Harinera del Valle                  800   
  San Carlos             1945            Sarmiento Lora                 4.000   
  Carmelita              1950             Garrido Amezquita            2.500   
  Central Castilla       1930             Familia Caicedo Gonz‡lez    7.000   
  R’o Paila               1928            Familia Caicedo Gonz‡lez     7.000   
  Risaralda               1.973                Ardila Lule                        800  
Table created using information from research : Recuperaci—n de la Memoria Historica del Movimiento Sindical Valle del Cauca 1976-2006, (Recuperation of Historic Memory of the Sind’cate of the Cauca Valley 1976-2006) CUT Valle,  Hector Emilio Castro, Jaime Montoya,  Ana Cristina Bermudez y Lenny Giraldo.


This is the face of those who own the ancestral community territories and today concentrate on the dominion and possession of the whole geographical valley of the River Cauca, from Santander de Quilichao, in the north of the State of Cauca, crossing the flat plains of the State of the Valle del Cauca, to La Virginia, in the State of Risaralda. The area of influence covers more than 30 municipalities of Cauca, Valle del Cauca and Risaralda.
 
THE STORY OF INFILTRATION

The president, Alvaro Uribe Velez and the Minister for Social Protection, Diego Palacio,  in logical consequence with their policies of National Security, have created a new ruse in this social conflict, which deals with the story of  infiltration which even they themselves do not believe. They say themselves that social control of the whole country is in the hands of subversive organisations. It is possible that before the lack of arguments on the part of the government, before the lack of economic protection and before the devastating truth of parapolitics, the only excuse the governments has for not completing its obligations with the so-called Social State of Rights, is to argue that the legitimate and just social protests are infiltrated by the guerrillas. They have let the world know that the indigenous peoples reclaim the ancestral lands they own and for which there are treaties signed by the government and international demands such as those affected by the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights of the OEA (Comisi—n Interamericana de Derechos Humanos de la OEA), in the case of state responsibility on the massacre of the Nilo, to give just one example.


When the black Communities mobilized to stop the massacres and the irrational exploitation of the natural resources, curiously there was infiltration by insurgents. When the union members came out to call for their rights, they mobilised, using the internal and international norms of Union and Association and they did so because the guerrilla ordered them to. When the defenders of Human rights, carrying out investigations, denouncements, participate in judicial process where it is proven that the actual government is compromised with parapolitics, they are terrorists.
 
They say that the cutter’s strike is infiltrated by the insurgents, it puts into question the military control that the state has in the region and in the sugar plantations. How is it possible that in front of a military contingent of more than 1000 men, the guerrilla commanders can hold meetings with the sugar cane cutters? Could it be that the armed forces and you too are infiltrated by the guerrillas? How is it possible that before the claim for dignified salaries and lawful social benefits you illegitimize the workers with the repeated lie that they are already converted into an institutional monologue?

The Colombian people and the entire world are conscious of the lack of governability that exists today in Colombia, of the illegitimacy of its governors. During the debate in congress with Minister Diego Palacios, last Tuesday the 20th September, someone asked if in cabinet there was a minister too many and another that lacked. Minister Palacio was working as the Minister of Industry and not as the Minister for Social Protection,  who should fight for the rights of the workers.  
 
The institutional lie cannot silence the forceful truth of 14,000 sugar plantation workers, who are not asking for anything more than the minimum rights of the workers be complied with. Mr Minister for Social Protection Diego Palacio, Mr President of the Republic çlvaro Uribe Velez, Members of ASOCANA, slavery was abolished on the 1st January 1852. Therefore you will have to respond before national and international tribunals to answer for the treatment of the sugar cane workers. And in the case that negotiation is not ceded and that agreements guaranteeing the rights of the workers in the Sugar Cane Industry are not established, you will have to give to give account of the violation to the effective norms of the labor right to internal and international level.

 




Colombia Support Network
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phone:  (608) 257-8753
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Solidarity with the National Mobilization of Indigenous and People's Resistance.

( Translated by Steve Cagan, a CSN volunteer translator)

The national and international human rights organizations that have signed below salute the National Mobilization of Indigenous and People’s Resistance, and we express our solidarity with the actions taken to win their rights by the indigenous movement that today is gathered in the departments of Guajira, Cordoba, Sucre, Atlantico, Choco, Norte de Santander, Risaralda, Caldas, Quindio, Valle del Cauca, Cauca, Tolima, Huila, Casanare, Meta y Boyaca.
 
This mobilization is happening within the framework of the activities laid out since the year 2001 by the organizations of the indigenous peoples of Colombia, intended to express their rejection of  physical and cultural genocide, and the various ways they are abused and the violations to which they are subjected.
 
In Defense of Territory, Autonomy and Culture.
 
European colonization, which meant the genocide of the majority of the people, today continues, destroying the territory and the lives of the 102 ethic groups that live in Colombia. The translates into discrimination and exclusion, to the point that currently 18 indigenous peoples are in imminent danger of extinction. Despite this, the indigenous people have resisted in their territories, and today they are marching in legitimate demands for their rights and the rights of Mother Earth.
 
In the territories of the indigenous peoples there is a confluence of the processes of exploitation of natural resources, which converts them into the scene of struggle by the armed groups, and strategic places for the implementation of economic and infrastructure projects. This damages the autonomy, territorial integrity and collective rights of the indigenous peoples, which includes violating sacred areas, the loss of cultures and the right of free, previous and informed consent.
 
Despite the fact that the Political Constitution of Colombia recognized the multiethnic and multicultural character of the nation, and incorporates certain rights of indigenous peoples, there has not been a full translation of these rights into concrete measures, and on the contrary we see that the Colombian state has pushed forward a legislative counter reform moves those rights already won backwards. To cite only a few examples, the Rural Development Statute, the Forestry Law, the Water Law, and the Mining Code opt for favoring economic interests and contribute to emptying people out of the territories.
 
We are highly concerned about the Colombian government’s abstaining from signing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and not carrying out Convention 169 of the ILO, as well as the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people.
 
The systematic and repeated violations of the rights of the indigenous peoples are evidenced by the murder of 1,253 indigenous people and the displacement of at least 53,885 indigenous people in the last six years, a period that coincides with the government of President Alvaro Uribe and the application of the policy of democratic security. Because of what has been previously stated, the great indigenous mobilization is occurring in one of the moments of greatest risk for the survival of the indigenous peoples of Colombia.
 
We add ourselves to the reasons that motivated the indigenous movement to mobilize, and we indignantly denounce the acts of violence against them that have been seen in recent days. In the first place, we are concerned about the “declaration of internal commotion” without constitutional reasons existing for it, which could be used to restrict fundamental rights and liberties, and bring the participants in a peaceful mobilization to court, without the full guarantees for that. In the second place, we denounce the murder of 27 indigenous friends during the last two weeks in the departments of Cauca, Narino and Caldas, the restriction on free movement ordered by the Energy and Roads Battalion No 1 against the peaceful march of the U’wa people in the department of Boyaca, the aggressions that have resulted in 28 people wounded up until now, the forced disappearances, and the threats and intimidations that have developed against the demonstrators in different places.
 
Given the seriousness of the situation of the indigenous peoples of Colombia, we express our support for the National Mobilization of Indigenous and Popular Resistance, and we insist that the Colombian government guarantee the conditions for the development of free protest in the different regions, and undertake actions to respond to the demands put forward.
 
We insist that the offices of power, in particular the Defender of the People, assume their responsibility as guarantor of the fundamental rights of the indigenous peoples, and that they accompany the mobilization that is currently being developed in different regions of the country.
 
We call on social and labor organizations and popular sectors on the national and international level to join this statement, to stand by the indigenous mobilization and mobilizations by other sectors to win their rights.
 
We invite the United Nations and international organizations who are present in Colombia to follow up with the mobilization, to contribute to the guaranteeing of the lives and the physical, cultural and territorial integrity of the indigenous peoples of Colombia.
 
Bogotá, October 14, 2008
 
 
Signed:
 
CONSULTORIA PARA LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS Y EL DESPLAZAMIENTO –CODHES-
(Consulting Group for Human Rights and Displacement)
COLECTIVO DE ABOGADOS JOSE ALVEAR RESTREPO (José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective)
CENSAT - AGUA VIVA (Living Water, the  Nacional Health, Environmental and Labor Center Association)
COMITÉ PERMANENTE PARA LA DEFENSA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS
(Permanent Comité for the Defense of Human Rights)
MOVIMIENTO NACIONAL DE VICTIMAS DE CRIMENES DE ESTADO
(National Movement of Victims of Crimes of the State)
ASOCIACION PARA LA PROMOCION SOCIAL ALTERNATIVA –MINGA-
(Association for the Promotion of a Social Alternative)
CONAP COLOMBIA (National Council of Protected Areas)
ASOCIACION CAMPESINA DE ANTIOQUIA – ACA –(Campesino Organization of Antioquia)
CORPORACION JURIDICA LIBERTAD - CJL –(Liberty Judicial Firm)
COLECTIVO DE ABOGADOS LUIS CARLOS PÉREZ (Luis Carlos Pérez Lawyers’ Collective)
 
More signatures follow…
 
Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net <http://www.colombiasupport.net>


Wednesday, October 15, 2008

ACIN MAKES URGENT REQUEST TO THE INTER-AMERICAN HUMAN RIGHTS COURT

(Translated by Peter Lenny, a CSN volunteer translator)

Urgent Request to the Inter-American Human Rights Court
 
[14 October 2008] [Author: Tejido de Defensa de la Vida – ACIN]

www.nasaacin.org <http://www.nasaacin.org/>
 
The letter is to request protection for the peaceful protest we are making in Cauca in view of the disproportionate use of force by the Colombian State.

Santander de Quilchao, 14 October 2008.
 
Mr. Santiago Cantón
Executive Secretary
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
Washington D.C.


Dear Sir,

The letter is to request protection for the peaceful protest we are making in Cauca in view of the disproportionate use of force by the Colombian State.
 
Since 12 October last we have put out this message, which defines the aim of our peaceful mobilisation:
 
1. We do not accept “Free Trade Treaties” like the one “negotiated”, behind closed doors and without consulting us, with the USA, Canada, the European Union, the European Free Trade Association and any other that pursues the same purpose of dispossessing us of our rights, cultures, knowledges and territories, exploiting the wealth and peoples and stealing the economic riches and capital in order to subordinate us. We want treaties between peoples, for peoples and for life, and not between masters against peoples and the Mother Earth that they are killing off with their greed.
 
2. We denounce, oppose and demand the repeal of the constitutional reforms and legislation for looting under which they are surrendering what is ours to private interests and consigning us to silence, to stupidity, to forced labour, to exclusion and to death. Many laws and reforms have already been implemented or are on the way. Among the worst of these are the Rural Statute, the Mining Code, the Water Laws and Water Plans, the Forest Law… We will struggle to have them repealed.
 
3. No more terror under Plan Colombia, Democratic Security and para-politics, which are infesting all our territories and sowing them with death and displacement on the false pretext of achieving their “social recuperation”. The world has to learn how the government of the USA and the US Army South Command are setting up Coordination Centres for Comprehensive Action, from where the are occupying territories to hand them over to transnational corporations using the resources of the peoples of both here and there. In such conditions, protesting is not a crime but an obligation which is being converted into a crime by those who fear freedom. The lords of war who use terror to steal and kill should leave. We want to judge, on our territory and according to our law, those who have turned us into victims by using the power of the State, the para-State and war, regardless of where the are from or what their discourses or purported justifications.
 
4. We demand compliance with the rules, agreements and conventions that are being systematically ignored. Not just Decree 982 of 1999 or the accords of the El Nilo Massacre of December 1991 and the Emperatriz accords of September 2005, but also Law 21 of 1991 and Convention 169 of the ILO. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples should become law and be enforced. But we do not demand these things just as indigenous people. The Agrarian Mandate, trade union rights, public services, fundamental rights, women's rights and their long and painful struggle:
 
 ALL THESE CAUSES ARE OURS.

5. Let us construct the Peoples' Agenda. From a country with owners and no peoples to a country of peoples with no owners. Let us advance from our pain of 516 years of persecution and struggle without rest and commit ourselves to share and feel the pain of other peoples and other processes. This fabric or pain paves the way to replacing this illegitimate, rancid institutionality at the services of transnational capital by way of local bosses, for a Government of Popular Wisdom. Let us press ahead with the commitment we made in the “Visit for the country we want” and we propose that all of us – men and women – convene the National Peoples' Congress as a creature whose birth is announced by this mobilisation, at which we will name the collective word to march it towards the new country that is possible and necessary. We will set out our calling to join with the achievements of the other peoples of Latin America towards an America of its Peoples.
 
To that, the State is responding with the disproportionate force of the regime to silence our words with bullets and repression. We are informed from María Piendamó that the community is surrounded by the Colombian National Army, and there are also armed civilians in the hills and around the highway, who are firing at the community. The repression is very heavy and, nonetheless, they have not managed to open up the highway where some 9,000 people are resisting the aggression.
 
To date, this outrage against the peaceful community in opposition has left the following wounded and arrested:

-Hermes Arbey Díaz de Huellas Caloto
- Mauricio Menza de Jambaló (wound in the forehead)
- Benjamín Ramos del Resguardo de Tálaga, Caldono (wounded in the left eye and with a projectile in the chest)
- Mariano Morano Dizú, President of the Communal Action Board, La Palma Pitayó (firearm wound to the head, with signs of cerebral decortication, transferred to Popayán)
- Enyi Ulcué de Pueblo Nuevo, Caldono (firearm wound in the left leg)
- N.N. Serious blow to the head
- John Freddy Piñacue, 16 years old (forehead wound from club)
- Mario Guetoto de Delicias (nose wound)
- Diomedes Quinto de San Andrés de Pisimbalá.Wound in the forehead.
- Joaquín Cotocué de San Andrés de Pisimbalá. Wound in the forehead.
- Milciades Tumbo de San Andrés de Pisimbilá.
- José Ferney Pardo de Inzá, Tierradentro.
- Adolfo Quitumbo Yatacue de Corinto
- Harold Cucuñame de Honduras. Zona Occidente
- Delio Quitumbo de Toribío. Wound in the left leg.
- Mario Huetoto.Del resguardo de Delicias, Buenos Aires. Wound  in the left eye.

Arrested:

Leonardo Chocué de Tierradentro
Eduardo Cotoina de Tierradentro
Pablo Dagua de Corinto

Note that, also this week, Nicolás Valencia Lemus and Celestino Rivera were murdered, and we have just been informed that yesterday, 13 October, at around 9:00 p.m., the 23 year old indigenous commune member, Cesar Hurtado Tróchez, belonging to Resguardo de Guadualito, was murdered. He was at home resting when 4 men arrived and riddled him with bullets.
 
At the time of closing this partial report, we received the information from people at the health centre in La María that more wounded have arrived, several with gunshot wounds, and helicopters are flying over the upper part of La María. This is a massacre!

Tejido de Defensa de la Vida
Asociación de Cabildos Indígenas del Norte del Cauca
ACIN
14 October 2008
10:50 a.m.
www.nasaacin.org





























Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Tuesday, October 14, 2008

LETTER FROM THE ITALIAN NETWORK OF SOLIDARITY WITH THE COLOMBIAN PEACE COMMUNITY

( Translated by Eunice Gibson, a CSN volunteer translator)


Narni, October 11, 208
 
Dr. Francisco Santos
Vice President of Colombia
Nariño Palace
Bogota

fsantos@presidencia.gov.co. mailto:buzon1@presidencia.gov.co
 
Greetings:
 
From October 1 to October 6 of this year, the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó undertook a pilgrimage for life, with the participation of numerous delegations of both Colombian and international social organizations.  They included our Italian Solidarity Network and the Covenant of Sisterhood between the city governments of Alburquerque (Spain), Westelo (Belgium), Burgos (Spain) and Narni (Italy), all of them sister communities with the Peace Community.
 
The first activity that was planned was the carrying out on October 1 of silent prayer in front of the installations of the XVII Brigade of the Colombian Army, because of the repeated and unpunished violations of human rights in which members of this military garrison have been involved.  Unfortunately, in spite of the absence of any legal basis, the commander of the Brigade refused to allow the caravan to arrive at its destination.  As a result, the peaceful action of prayer and reflection had to be carried out in the middle of the highway.
 
From October 2 to October 6, the national and international pilgrims travelled around the humanitarian zones and the settlements of the Peace Community, in Mulatos, La Esperanza and La Unión.  The visitors were worried to hear the testimony of peasant farmer families about the strong presence of paramilitary groups.  They maintain their base undisturbed in the district of Nueva Antioquia, as we have complained to the Vice President on several occasions.
 
In the early days of our stay in the Peace Community, we heard reports of the presence of paramilitary groups very near the settlement of La Unión, which, as you know, was the site of atrocious massacres carried out by these armed organizations. Later, on October 4, paramilitaries halted and interrogated three members of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó in the town of La Esperanza.  We happened to be there carrying out one stage of the pilgrimage for life.  After they were interrogated and threatened, in order to avoid having one of them, a member of the Internal Council of the Peace Community, be captured and taken away by the paramilitaries, the three farmers were able to reach the area where the pilgrimage members were concentrated.  The situations we have described, and the numerous testimonies of the people who live in the area, have led us to conclude that there is an intensifying paramilitary presence and that there are serious threats against the members of the Peace Community and the other inhabitants of the area.
 
In addition, Mr. Vice President, we would like to express our concern about the dangerous plans that are trying to disparage and criminalize the people who defend human rights, including the Inter-Ecclesiastical Committee for Peace and Justice and Father Javier Giraldo.  They are recognized nationally and internationally for their unconditional support for groups of people who have been particularly affected by the political violence in Colombia.  The recent telephone conversation between retired General Rito Alejo del Rio and former Minister Fernando Londoño, published by a television station, shows the two of them designing a macabre strategy that seems, at least, to have the complicity of some communications media.
 
Once again, we urge you, Mr. Vice President, to intervene so that the Colombian Government will neutralize the paramilitary base that has been established in Nueva Antioquia for years.  We also ask you respectfully to defeat the plans of disparagement and criminalization against Father Javier Giraldo and against the Inter-Ecclesiastical Committee for Peace and Justice that General Rito Alejo del Rio, from his place of imprisonment, is scheming along with his circle of friends.
 
We thank you for your attention.
 
Respectfully,
 
 
 
Dr. Andrea Proietti
President, Italian Solidarity NetworkColombia Vive!
 
Cc:
 
Dr. Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, Minister of Defense
Dr. Carlos Franco Echevarria, Director, President’s Program for Human Rights
Dr. Mario Iguarán, Prosecutor General
Dr. Edgardo Josè Maya Villazòn, Attorney General
Dr. Volmar Antonio Pèrez Ortiz, National Public Defender
Commandant, XVII Brigade, Carepa – Apartadò
Dr. Sabas Pretelt de la Vega, Colombian Ambassador to Italy
Dr. Antonio Tarelli, Italian Ambassador to Italy


 
  



















Colombia Support Network
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phone:  (608) 257-8753
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http://www.colombiasupport.net



[encamino-info] Colombia review: Indigenous uprising



Colombia Review is a project of Pueblos en Camino and La Chiva

October 4 - 13

In this special edition of Colombia Review, we turn to Cauca, Colombia, where indigenous peoples have been mobilizing over the past several days (517 years really) in commemoration of the dawn of Spanish colonialism in the Americas, a colonialism that has changed bosses but never really subsided. Their resistance to the neoliberal project (most explicitly represented by Plan Colombia I and II, Plan Puebla Panama, the IIRSA, and a number of other local, national and transnational projects, all of accumulation and death) and in defense of their Life Plans as well as those of the rest of Colombia's popular and social movements. Readers will have paid close attention to the struggle of the sugarcane workers (the corteros), which is still on-going and in serious need of outside support and people pressuring the states responsible for the terror they are courageously facing head-on. As we watch the struggle of the corteros and express our solidarity with them from outside, the indigenous of Cauca have stood beside the corteros at every step, just as the corteros have supported the indigenous 'liberation of Mother Earth'.
 
Still, the situation is intensifying in Cauca. In the last 10 days, no less than 13 indigenous have been murdered, this following the threat from the 'Angry Peasants of Cauca' received by the indigenous movement in Cauca on the 5th of August, 2008. Much of the violence is attributed to the paramilitary group the 'Aguilas Negras', a reincarnation (or extension) of the supposedly demobilized right-wing death squads that have hunted down trade unionists, social movement leaders, and the Uribe regimes opposition over the past few years: those same death squads that have taken up their posts in the Colombian state and negotiate free trade agreements with their allies in the North and impose mining codes and displacement for transnational capital.
 
In spite of the violence and dire situation, the indigenous and popular movements of Cauca in particular have not let up. Their resolve against the free trade agreements and violence in their territories is not only an inspiration but also a message to those of us outside Colombia that we, too, must stand on the side of civil resistance not only in Colombia but in our own communities. The Colombia model is being countered amidst the most difficult of situations. That same model of armed robbery exists in decidedly different forms in places like Canada, the US and Europe; that model is the same and must also be exposed, confronted and challenged at every step. THAT is perhaps the best kind of solidarity we can express.
 
Find below several articles (most on which have been translated by the formidable Mario Murillo <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/> ) on the mobilizations in Cauca as well as a video produced by the Communications Network of the Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Colombia (ACIN) (in English and Spanish). For readers of Spanish, there are some communiques coming directly from the ACIN.
 
In solidarity,
La Chiva

Articles

Dirty War of Terror Being Waged Against Indigenous Movement in Colombia <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/dirty-war-of-terror-being-waged-against.html>
 Come from where they may, these assassins' bullets represent a war against the people. Come from where it may, this plan of death benefits those who would have us silenced and displaced! They should leave now, those who bring war, those who use arms against the people, those who use death to feed their avarice. Leave us in peace!
 By Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca (ACIN), Translated by Mario Murillo,13 October 2008

Indigenous Communities Throughout Colombia Begin Mobilization Amidst Government Imposed State of "Internal Commotion" <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/latest-press-release-from-cauca.html>
 Today we mark 517 years of resistance against an uninterrupted aggression. The Neo-liberal conquest, more cruel and technologically developed than the one that started with the European invasion, advances with its insatiable appetite of accumulation.
 By ACIN, Translated by Mario Murillo, 12 October 2008

Indigenous Communities in Colombia Mobilize to Protest U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement, Plan Colombia and the Policies of the Bush-Backed Uribe Government <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/press-release-from-association-of.html>
 Today, four years after the First Itinerant Congress of the Peoples, we, the indigenous communities of northern Cauca, reiterate its message and validity and continue through the path we walked back then, a march that was weaved through centuries of memory and resistance∑ Today we mobilize, as millions of others mobilize throughout the Americas, demanding dignity, justice, liberty and a respect for life.
 By ACIN, Translated by Mario Murillo, 9 October 2008

Manuel Quintin Lame: 41 Years After his Death, his Legacy Remains Strong <http://mamaradio.blogspot.com/2008/10/manuel-quintin-lame-41-years-since-his.html>
 "My position is to defend through legal means the indigenous territories∑my labor I conduct with a grand public spirit∑and my voice, tomorrow, will have a different tone, for it will be the voice of the silent lightning that scratches the darkened night sky over the western horizon." ˆ Manuel Quintin Lame
 By Mario Murillo, MAMARadio, 6 October 2008

A Call For Solidarity with the Social Movements of Colombia on this 516th Anniversary of the European Invasion  <http://canadacolombiaproject.blogspot.com/2008/10/call-for-solidarity-with-social.html>
 Once again approaching the anniversary of the invasion initiated by Christopher Columbus which is continually mistaken in great offense as the discovery of the continent that today we call America, we bees, compañeras ants and other animals and plants of Abya Yala (South America) have concluded with buzzing from a continual Minga of thought.
 By The Beehive Collective, 5 October 2008

Community, Indigenous and Worker Alternatives to Transnational Mining  <http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/1515/1/>
∑[The recent Bogotá Declaration focuses on] combating impunity of transnational corporations, the need for strong environmental and human right protections toward the aim of good living for all, as well as opposition to the whims of sumptuary consumerism of metals and metal products.
 By Jennifer Moore, UpsideDownWorld.org <http://upsidedownworld.org/> , 8 October 2008

Video

Plan Integral de Agresión en el Cauca / Integral Plan of Agression in Cauca, Colombia
The Nasa people of Northern Cauca in South Western Colombia, have become a symbol of resistance and an example of dignity. This documentary explains the occupation strategy being advanced through "Plan Colombia Phase II" on behalf of corporate and geo-strategic transnatonal interests. The exceptional effort of the Nasa people is at risk of elimination for the sake of profit. The documentary was entirely scripted and produced by our indigenous communications network and by our communities in resistance for life and dignity.
 

Friday, October 10, 2008

LEADER OF BLACK COMMUNITIES ARMENIO CORTES ASSASSINATED

(Translated by Stacey Schlau, a CSN volunteer translator)


National Human Rights Team, Case of Black Communities
Junta of the Community Council of Alto Mira and the Border
 
The National Human Rights Team, Case of Black Communities, informs the national and international communities and the agencies of the Colombian government about the following:
 
Today, Tuesday, October 7, 2008, at 1:05 pm, we were informed that the companero Armenio Cortes had been assassinated. He was 46 years old, and a member of the junta of the Community Council of Alto Mira and the Border, and worked as prosecutor for that council.
 
Companero Armenio was leaving a meeting with the junta of the Community Council, today, October 7, 2008, held in the headquarters of Recompas in the city of Tumaco. After the meetings, these compañeros said good-bye at about noon, each one going to his own house and town. Armenio was almost home, about 100 meters from where the car dropped him off. A still-unidentified man was waiting for him and shot him. Some members of the junta were informed between 12:30 pm and 1:05 pm.
 
It is worth noting that suspicious facts reported to the prosecutor’s office had taken place the previous month. One of them came from the denunciations about the environmental damage caused by farmers growing illegal crops. After that, about a month ago, some members of the junta of the council—including Armenio Cortes—were notified of threats and information from a close source that an assassin had been sent to kill him. The most recent event before the assassination occurred the previous Saturday (October 4), when some neighbors informed Armenio’s family that they had found a hooded man behind the house, who had fled upon being seen. The reaction of the local prosecutor’s office to these facts was that they should stop being a nuisance with all their denunciations and community activities.
 
According to the information being circulated for the past few days in the area, 5 members of the junta are supposed to be killed for opposing the plans being worked out for the collective land by other organizations who operate in the area and whose interests contradict those of the black communities. These threats have been given since the middle of this year, and have been denounced by the PCN, the Community Councils, and the local organizations--without anything having been done about it.
 
The convocation of a regional assembly of community councils, which was stopped by a lack of resources and by a lack of support by those who have no interest in confronting this situation, had as its purpose, among other agenda items, to discuss the seriousness of the facts here presented and demand that the State take action, considering the threats and deaths of members of the communities in the region and their leaders. The fact that the assembly did not take place has contributed to the groups who are against the organizational dynamics taking  this as an opportunity to get rid of those who oppose their interests.
 
The members of the junta of the Community Council are planning activities for the community, and in spite of threats, should continue doing community work. It should be stressed that the members of this junta, of the Community Council of Alto Mira and the Border, as well as other councils and organizations in the area, have been threatened because of their political position regarding the defense and protection of collective lands and several of them had to leave the area because of the threats. Proof of this is that the Protection of Human Rights Program of the Ministry of the Interior and Justice has adopted some measures for the protection of these leaders.
 
Armenio had been in the junta of the Community Council for a year and a half. He always stood out for his commitment to the communities and to the organizational process. This companero left 4 children orphans and his wife a widow. Born in the township of El Playon on the bank of the Mira River, Armenio is one more victim from the Community Council and the collective lands, without the authorities taking the situation seriously. First it was Francisco Hurtado Cabezas, who was assassinated in 1998 because he defended the land and opposed the cultivation of oil palm trees..More than 30 leaders linked to organizational processes have been assassinated since; the most recent—before Armenio—was the compañero Felipe Landazury of the junta of the community council of Bajo Mira, assassinated less than three months ago.
 
We call upon the authorities and agencies in charge to find those responsible and punish them as they should be; to take precautionary measures and protect the other threatened persons; and to support the actions on behalf of exercising their rights and autonomy of the communities and their organizations. In the same way, collective measures should be adopted that should be taken in consultation with the junta of the Community Council, that aim for the permanence of the black communities in support of their legitimate right to the land and their cultural identity as blacks, their right to autonomy, to decide their own future.
 
Given in Bogota, October 7, 2008
National Human Rights Team, Case of Black Communities
Junta of the Community Council of Alto Mira and the Border
 

Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



The Sugar Cane Cutters of Valle del Cauca are on Strike!

(Translated by John I. Laun, a CSN volunteer translator)
    
The workers who cut, chop up, and plant sugar cane in the sugar industry in Colombia’s Valle del Cauca Department have gone on strike, forced to do so by hard working conditions. They have decided to present a list of demands, among which are the following:

 

            1. Abolition of intermediaries, which are so-called “work cooperatives”, which hire the workers, to be replaced by direct contracts with the sugar mills. The use of the intermediary “cooperatives” leads to a precarious situation for the workers, since it eliminates the possibility of making a sugar mill provide benefits, such as funds for education or housing or bonuses for length of service or vacations, since there is no direct contract between the workers and the sugar mill company.

     2. The type of work is piece-work; the mills pay for the amount of cane cut in the work-day. Today they pay 5,713 pesos ( about $2.72) per cut ton. From these wages the mills deduct social security (pension and health insurance), social contributions to the “cooperative”, other insurance and additional discounts. With these deductions the worker receives only about 3,000 pesos (about $1.42) per ton.

     3. The workers are also demanding payment for the days lost due to a halt in production by the mills; payment for days used for medical check-ups, for which they are not now paid by the mills; and payment for the first three days of disability due to illness which the EPS, the businesses in charge of providing health services, do not recognize.

    4. Effective control of the weighing of the sugar cane cut by the workers, with agreed-upon and transparent mechanisms, to eliminate doubts with respect to the real weight of the cane the workers have cut.

    5. An increase in wages of 30% to compensate for the very high cost of living, the lengthy work days, and the roughness of the work of cutting sugar cane.

    6. A resolution by the mills, the EPS health professionals, and the professional risk insurers (ARP), to the problem of more than 200 cane cutters who are disabled annually, who are relocated to other work and the cane cutters who are found to be permanently  totally disabled and to whom a pension is denied.

    Up to the present ASOCANA, the Association of Sugar Cane Growers, the trade organization which represents the different mills and the plants which produce ethanol, has refused to agree to the requests and demands of the workers, who represent more than 18,000 families in 12 municipalities in the region. The Government of Uribe Velez, facing the evident shortage of sugar in the Colombian market, recently authorized the importation of sugar from countries such as Bolivia. This importation seeks to undermine the struggle of the workers, since it is well known that sugar is an item which is highly protected by tariffs.

    This is how the government of Uribe Velez proposes to connect us to the globalized world; it seeks competitiveness through making the status of workers precarious and by exploiting them. Ethanol which these plants produce is exported to countries such as the United States and Spain as the base of the bio-combustibles which millions of motorists in these countries use in their automobiles, not knowing about the hard and miserable conditions in which ethanol is produced in Colombia.

    Because it is in a region highly lashed by the action of paramilitary groups, the labor union movement was practically beheaded and dismantled.  For that reason we seek effective and real solidarity with the movement.

    The movement of the sugar cane cutters has been converted into a growing civic and popular movement, which provides support to different social, political and economic sectors of several municipalities in Valle del Cauca which are affected by the working conditions unfolding for the cane cutters, who are poor residents of these communities.

 

            

            

 

 

            

 

 

            

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Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Thursday, October 09, 2008

WE HAVE ENDED OUR PILGRIMAGE AND PARAMILITARISM CONTINUES TO GO AROUND IN OUR TOWNS

(Translated by Eunice Gibson, a CSN volunteer translator)
 

           As soon as the Army stopped us from going and praying in front of the 17th Brigade headquarters, we continued with our journey through the towns.  We have paid tribute and we have felt the dignity that we build every day and that we continue to sow in our community.  The organized formation of our community has allowed us to put together that trilogy that generates life:  land, nature, and community.
 
            People from a number of countries were able to appreciate the beauty of our land, but at the same time, they were able to observe that we did not lie about the actions of death and the threats to our community.  Because of those, we are obligated to make a record of new events:
 
            On October 4, we were walking around the town of La Esperanza.  Three people from the community walked for a half hour and then stopped to buy some cheese.  There were paramilitaries there, with long rifles, in camouflage, with radios.  The paramilitaries interrogated the people and they accused one of the members of our community, a member of our governing council, of being a guerrilla.  They threatened to kill him, and they threatened that in the next few weeks they would begin killing a number of people whose names they had on a list. After an argument, they let them go.  On the same day, October 4, groups of paramilitaries were found in the towns of Arenas and La Union.  They were walking around openly and threatening that they would like to finish off our community. The high officials of the Armed Forces say that paramilitaries don’t exist in this area.  They are lying again.  There are more than 600 paramilitaries walking all around our towns with the protection of the Armed Forces.
 
            On October 5, around 6 p.m., members of the Army in San Jose told several people that their central objective was to finish off this SOB peace community, the only one where they were not permitted to walk around everywhere.  The paramilitaries, on the other hand, will be able to act and thus will be able to carry out their productive plans in the area.
 
            Many people from various organizations in various countries, such as national communities, were able to bear witness to the reality of death that surrounds us.  They have been able to see how those who spread death are lying and how the paramilitaries are advancing with the support of the Armed Forces.
 
            These days of walking have allowed us to continue advancing firmly our principles in defense of our land for civilian uses. Once again we ask for national and international solidarity in the face of these threats of death and destruction against our community.
 

PEACE COMMUNITY OF SAN JOSE DE APARTADO

                                                           October 7, 2008

 



















Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Wednesday, October 08, 2008

Colombia: National call for mobilization and struggle

Colombia: National call for mobilization and struggle
On October 1, 2008, the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC <http://www.onic.org.co/> ), which represents Colombia’s 800,000 Indigenous People, declared October to be a month of social protest “against the genocide of Indigenous Peoples and the criminalization of social movements” in Colombia.

Below you can find ONIC’s full call to action, translated to English. You can read the original Spanish version here <http://www.onic.org.co/actualidad.shtml?x=34916> . Thanks to Teresa Martinez <http://redamazon.wordpress.com>  and friend for the translation.
National call for mobilization and struggle
October 2008, month of indigenous and popular resistance against the criminalization of social mobilization, the genocide of social movements and of Indigenous Peoples.

For defence of territories and life.

For democracy, justice and human dignity.

There are more than enough reasons to explain why we are calling for mobilization of us all – men, women, young people, social sectors throughout Colombia, in the month of October. We have spent 516 years reclaiming our ancestral rights, our territory and our autonomy. Today, as yesterday, we continue to demand realization and respect for our rights, our lives and dignity for all Colombians.

For the non-indigenous world the month of October represents the celebration of a discovery and meeting of two worlds. But, on the contrary, for us Indigenous Peoples it has meant what we have personally experienced ever since: extermination, colonization and submission.

But it is not only we Indigenous Peoples who are suffering the consequences of national and international policies at the service of big capital – policies which are expressed in the erosion of fundamental rights such as education, health and housing, and which also do damage to trade union rights and gradually undermine the 1991 Political Constitution of Colombia, bringing reduction of democratic freedoms; loss of territory for indigenous people, peasants and people of African descent; increased concentration of wealth in the hands of the few; and widespread hunger in the neighbourhoods, communes, villages and communities of our country.

Today we see a process of destruction of social movements through policies of co-option, stigmatization and criminalization, and indeed the physical extermination of their leaders. Systematic murders, disappearances, perjuries and persecution of those opposed are the commonest expressions of the policy of “democratic security”.

Today we Indigenous Peoples arise in order to continue defending life. At this time it becomes necessary that this rising should be the meeting-point of a great national agenda of social and popular sectors. The Colombian People is resisting in different ways: the homeless beside indigenous people, women, those of African descent, peasants and trade unions unite to struggle against hunger; in the neighbourhoods they organize to defend the right to housing against the greedy financial system; workers down tools to demand wages and conditions worthy of their work; young people and students fight for the right to education and for a future in this country; we Indigenous Peoples continue to liberate Mother Earth and to defend our territories. For all these purposes our social organizations have the duty and challenge of raising a united call to unify our struggles, to defeat all the measures imposed by this régime at the cost of our lives and welfare.

Our duty is to unify the struggles, to strengthen political opposition against a régime based on paramilitary strategy. We indigenous people have for decades denounced this State strategy of using private armies to exterminate social movements. Today we see how Congress and other organs of this State allow free passage to the gentlemen “commanders of paramilitary groups” and their political representatives, who on the basis of supposed demobilizations have gradually gained legitimacy, aided and abetted by powerful media of communication. We see, too, how today the régime is stained with the blood of thousands of leaders of social movements who have fallen at the hands of those criminals who act according to the interests of landowners, international capital, the political classes and the big businesses of our country. Today we cannot keep silent against the heavy hand of impunity, so we must unite to demand that the truth be revealed to the country and to the international community.

In this context we Indigenous Peoples call for October to be a month of days of social protest. We make the following demands:
We mobilize against the genocide of Indigenous Peoples and the criminalization of social movements:
  • Denial of our rights as Indigenous Peoples has brought us by the road of civil resistance and peaceful protest. We demand of the State the right to Free Association, Opinion and Expression, and the right to peaceful social protest.
  • The Government and State of Colombia must comply with the protection of the 18 Indigenous Peoples in danger of extinction. For this they must make an action plan with the national indigenous organizations and their indigenous authorities. We also demand of them in this regard political will and assignment of resources so that the promises may pass from paper to reality.
We mobilize for the defence of territory:
  • The present government’s policy legislation has been founded on supporting measures of protection for the investment of multinational businesses to guarantee their interests. Also, it provides them with security through the militarization of territories, for example the Colombia Plan. Consequently they are founded on great policies and plans of development which exclude and violate, such as the Free Trade Agreement and IIRSA [Initiative for Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America].
  • Democratic agrarian and urban reform. For distribution of property in the countryside and towns in which displaced persons, unfavoured urban and rural sectors, peasants, those of African descent and Indigenous Peoples can have land and homes. That the indigenous population, people of African descent and peasants can have restored to them the lands taken by violence or by legislative and administrative actions.
  • Immediate expulsion of multinationals and transnationals from the territories, because they are the originators and accomplices of violation of the rights of the Colombian people, of massacres, insecurity before the law, and hunger, experienced by many sectors of marginalized and excluded Colombians.
  • Immediate cessation of fumigation on the pretext of combating the drugs traffic, and of militarization through the programme of manual eradication.
  • We mobilize for the immediate repeal of the Statute of Rural Development.
  • Dismantling of the “Statute of Rural Development and Reform of INCODER [Colombian Institute for Rural Development] - Law 30”, as the greatest expression of exclusion, repression and discrimination against the Indigenous Peoples of Colombia, the purpose of which is to deny access to our territorial rights as genuine owners of these lands, and to legitimize the violence and expropriation to which we have been historically submitted.
  • Immediate legalization of indigenous territories, carrying out of the agreements and decrees 2164/95, Law 160/94. We demand a budget for the territorial needs of Indigenous Peoples.
  • For return of lands to peasants, indigenous people and African descendants who are at present displaced.
For a negotiated and honourable outcome to the armed conflict:
  • Real dismantling of paramilitary groups. For we are still suffering their presence in our territories, those called Black Eagles and AUC [United Self-defence Forces of Colombia] among others.
  • Full guarantee to the victims of the right to Truth, Justice and complete Reparation.
  • Punishment of those guilty of genocide of Indigenous Peoples and social movements.
For respect and realization of rights:
  • On 1st November 2006 the meeting between indigenous peoples and the Colombian State broke up, for the government offered no guarantees to respect the rights of indigenous peoples. We demand full recognition of our rights enshrined in the Political Constitution of Colombia.
  • To promote the declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in OEA [Organization of American States] and immediate signing of the United Nations’ declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
We call upon the Colombian people, peasants, Colombians of African descent, women, workers, students, defenders of human rights and all other social movements, to:
To all social movements and struggling sectors to construct a list of demands or common agenda for the defence of rights and for dismantling of the present government’s regressive, anti-popular policies.

We make a special call for unity in all the sectors’ diversity, so as not to let ourselves be distracted and divided by strategies of the government and landowners of imposing or giving rise to squabbles between ourselves (peasants, indigenous people, African descendants), and so as to close ranks for repeal of the Statute of Rural Development.

To unite themselves with our struggles.

To rise up against the Free Trade treaties.

To defend the sovereignty of natural resources.

We urge the organizations of control and defenders of human rights to intervene as guarantors in this process of mobilization.

May our silence become a single shout!

National Authority of Indigenous Government ONIC

THE JUST PROTEST OF SUGARCANE CUTTERS, IN NEED OF SOLIDARITY

(Translated by Kevin Funk, a CSN volunteer translator)


*The strike by workers in the sugarcane industry, begun on September 15, continues under difficult conditions*
 
*September 23, 2008*
 
 
After exhausting various avenues for demanding conditions which guarantee decent work opportunities, this past September 15 around 12,000 sugarcane cutters began their work stoppage. With a week having gone by the workers are holding firm to their just demands, in the midst of a disinformation campaign, repression, and the use of force, reasons for which an urgent call is being made for solidarity with the sugarcane cutters and their families.

This difficult situation for the sugarcane workers is not new and has been heightened with the peak of the biofuel industry.
 
During 2007, 2.28 metric tons of sugar were produced in the country, 31% of them exported, as well as 753,425 liters of ethanol, daily. The production of ethanol – it is an imperative to mix it with gasoline according to the policies of the national government - began in 2005, and is carried out by 5 sugar refineries, the property of 3 families.
 
This according to the Unified Workers' Center (CUT) of Colombia.
 
Ethanol is exempt from the value added tax (16%), the extra tax on gasoline (25%), and the general tax, all of which are equivalent to approximately 153 million dollars annually that do not go into the state's coffers and which the refineries are saving for themselves.
 
In that same year, 2005, a sugar workers' protest took place, demonstrating against precarious work and hiring conditions.
 
Currently the country has around 200,000 hectares of cane for producing sugar and 40,000 hectares for ethanol production. Some 18,000 cutters work in these plantations, with contracts that are in the system of Associated Work Cooperatives, which eliminate direct contractual relationships with the businesses. In that system, the workers have to assume the payment of social security (health, pensions, professional risks), and as a result the business exempts itself from these labor costs. That, combined with the arduous conditions and extensive workdays in the country, forms a slave-like type of employment.
 
Today four unions and independent cutters remain on strike as a form to obtain a change in the described conditions and they require more backing and solidarity than we can provide. We invite you to sign and send the attached letter to the addresses given at the end.

Currently we need URGENT support for and SOLIDARITY with the more than 8,000 workers on strike and their families. Amongst their basic needs:
 
- Food
- Painkillers and first aid elements
- Potable water
 
These forms of assistance can be sent to:
Sinalcorteros Florida Valle Calle
19 a #10-81 barrio Villa Miel ó a la CUT Seccional Valle carrera 11 B
#22-36 Cali,  Valle  del Cauca
 
We can also channel your help directly to the cutters that have arrived in Bogotá.

Send your letters to:
auribe@presidencia.gov.co <mailto:auribe@presidencia.gov.co>

with a copy to:
selvas@censat.org <mailto:selvas@censat.org>
fsantos@presidencia.gov.co <mailto:fsantos@presidencia.gov.co>
viceministerio@minagricultura.gov.co <mailto:viceministerio@minagricultura.gov.co>
despachoministro@minagricultura.gov.co <mailto:despachoministro@minagricultura.gov.co>
asocana@asocana.com.co <mailto:asocana@asocana.com.co>

--
   Diego Alejandro Cardona Calle
   Selvas y Biodiversidad
   Censat Agua Viva

Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



THE DEATH AND TERROR OF PARAMILITARISM CONTINUE TO BE ON THE WATCH FOR US

(Translated by Eunice Gibson, a CSN volunteer translator)



In the midst of the situation that our country is living through, where we see the paramilitary takeover of all government activities and their control over all aspects of society is evident, we have to continue to make a record, so that the barbarous actions that they continue to commit against our community can be judged. The events that we leave to history so that they can be prosecuted and judged some day are as follows:
 
*  On September 25 at 2 p.m., more than 200 paramilitaries arrived at the town of El Porvenir.  They were dressed in camouflage, with long guns and insignias that said AUC.  They arrived at the school, and there was a family nearby.  They told the family that they were the paramilitaries, under the command of “Giovani”.  They said that they were looking for guerrillas and for everybody that collaborated with the guerrillas and that they would kill them. They said that you people have a problem with the guerrillas, because you know very well that we don’t have any problem with the Army—we patrol together.  They warned them to be careful not to open their mouths and tell anyone that we were here.
 
*  On September 26, the paramilitaries were located all day on the road to Porvenir.  They wouldn’t let the farmers pass and they told two farmers, around 11 a.m., that the people would have to leave their farms or else they would kill them. They said the farms already belonged to them, and that they were coming to finish off the Peace Community. They fired several shots in front of the farmers, warning them that these bullets were for the people who live around here.  The town of El Porvenir is located about 45 minutes from the town of La Union, which is part of the Peace Community.
 
*  On September 25, around 2 p.m., a man was killed by the paramilitaries in the Mangolo neighborhood, near where the road goes toward San Josesito.  They fired several shots into him and left him lying in the street.
 
*  On September 14, around 10 a.m., the national and municipal officials were in San Jose and said that they community had to be exterminated.  They said they had tried everything but that up to now they had not been able to, but that now they were going to pull it off.
 
*  On September 13, at 9 a.m., in the town of La Resbaloza, Gabriel Valderrama went to milk some cows and was stopped by the Army. They would not let him pass and they told him that it would be better to leave the area unless he wanted to die.
 
On September 12, the Army entered the home of Luis Graciano in La Resbaloza.  They tore everything up and stole all of their chickens.
 
*  On September 15 at 2 p.m., in the school at la Resbaloza, Uberto Higuita was detained by soldiers who told him that he would be a good one to have his head cut off, and the same for the other people of that SOB Peace Community.  And they told him that they ought to be well aware that they don’t need gunfire to kill people.  It could be done better with knives.
 
It’s evident that the terror and death that they are spreading in the area, the plans for destruction and the efforts to finish us off are not going to stop. Nevertheless, we continue firm in our principles.  We believe that the people who continue to walk with us in many places in the word, will not allow this search for dignity to be annihilated by those who spread death.
 
Peace Community of San Jose de Apartado
 
September 27, 2008
 







Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



Tuesday, October 07, 2008

Reasons for the Just Strike of he Cane Harvesters of the Geographic Valley of the Cauca River, Colombia,


(Translated by Steve Cagan, a CSN volunteer translator)

Reasons for the Just Strike of he Cane Harvesters of the Geographic Valley of the Cauca River, Colombia, That Respond to the Fallacies of the President of ASOCAÑA
 
SINALCORTEROS Cali, September 17, 2008
 
 
 
The National Harvesters’ Union (SINALCORTEROS) presents the reasons why the ethanol industry in the geographical valley of the Cauca River is another source of disagreement between the industrial oligopoly of sugar and the workers and farmers of the region.
 
1.The production of ethanol in the region, in the way it is currently carried out, responds to an imposition by the countries of the North, who need to resolve their energy deficit through local oligopolies that profit from the increasing monoculture of sugar cane, to the clear detriment of the workers, indigenous communities, farmers and consumers, sacrificing food self-sufficiency, and with tricky arguments about the supposed environmental benefits. That, together with other important factors like financial speculation, opening markets and concentration in the business chains, will aggravate the problem of hunger that Colombians and more than 925vmillion human beings in the world are suffering.
 
2. The fact that the Colombian government should have established a business that exclusively benefits one group of families indicates the political and economic power of this oligopoly, which enjoys all the advantages, to the detriment of the work, the life and the production of the immense majority of Colombians.
 
3. Whoever studies the domestic and international prices of sugar for the period ebwteen 1991 and 2007 will find that the domestic price of this commodity is three times higher within Colombia than in the rest of the world, which amounts to a subsidy by Colombian consumers to the sugar mills which in this way are compensated for their losses in exports of a product for which there is a surplus in supply.
 
4.This subsidy has been increased substantially with the fuel-grade alcohol business since 2005: ethanol is exempt from the value added tax (16%), the excess tax on gasoline (12%) and the global tax, all of which amounts to approximately 153 million dollars annually that do not enter into the treasury of the State and that the sugar refiners are saving. Further, the government defined the territories where agro-fuels are planted as  exemption from tariffs for capital goods, fixing the price, guaranteed purchases and credits from the Agro Ingreso Seguro [Colombian government program, supposedly to provide credits for farmers affected by free trade agreements?SC], which are charged at the DTF [a measure of interest?SC] less 2%, outline a business that is “armored” like no other legal activity in the country.
 
5. None of these benefits has gotten to the workers or the farmers. Quite the contrary, life and working conditions for the harvesters are increasingly bad, which requires that we struggle for just demands that are similar to those of colonial times, under conditions of slavery.  Things have also gone very badly for the sugar cane growers organized in PROCAÑA, owners of the farms that supply the sugar mills. Today they get 30% less for the primary materials that are dedicated to ethanol.
 
6. Consumers have not benefited from this policy either. In September, 2008, for example, the income for the ethanol producer was $5,038 [Colombian pesos—about $2.50 USD—SC] per gallon, while the gasoline producer was paid $4,068. That is, the government lied to the country one more time in promising that ethanol would be cheaper than gasoline, and instead fixed on a formula designed to line the pockets of the sugar-alcohol industry. The gasoline that we Colombians consume is among the most expensive in the world.
 

7.  Ethanol was the salvation of the sugar processors in the face of the terrible negotiations of the FTA in the United States. This allowed them to stop exporting a great quantity of sugar at a loss in the international markets, to the extent that sugar cane production was replaced by production for fuel-grade alcohol. Therefore, between 2005 and 2006theydid not produce 268,000 tons of sugar, so that the processors made a profit because they did not export at a loss and in addition because the national government guarantees them a profit with the high price of ethanol in the domestic market.
 
How much have the processors made by this process?
 
In 2006, they did not export……………                        254,077 tons of sugar
Exporting this, they would have gotten…..                        175,968 million pesos
But
Replacing this with ethanol, they got……                        347,764 million pesos
The difference is the profit………..                                    171,796 million pesos [about 85.8 million dollars—SC]

This figure represents the increase in the net profits of the processors, which went from 167,216 million pesos in 2005 to 333,022 million pesos [a little over 165 million dollars?SC] in 2006.
 
To take just one example, the five processors that produce ethanol, among them the Ardila Lulie group, had these profits:
 
Net profits of the processors, 2005-2006.Millions of pesos.
 
 
  Processor   2005   2006   
  INCAUCA   17,269   49,580   
  PROVIDENCIA   21,958   44,129   
  RISARALDA   16,436   27,635   
  MAYAGUEZ   24,807   39,320   
  MANUELITA   28,648   42,871  
 
 
The figures were developed by the Centro de Estudios de Tranajo [Center for Studies on Work], CEDETRABAJO, from official sources.
 
Even if it is true that the profits of the processors diminished in the year for 2007, their worth increased significantly: Incauca’s worth increased 4.1%, and that of Mayagüez 10.7%, to mention just some cases.
 
A business as lucrative as that of the affiliates of ASOCAÑA demonstrates the inconceivable inequality of the much-touted ”profound democracy.” The reality for the great majority of the Colombian people, among them the sugar harvesters, is that of people who have not even the most minimal conditions of social justice.
 
Our modest petition demands that labor rights recognized for workers in civilized countries be respected. Ignoring them bares the profound antidemocracy  of the Colombian government, sustained by fraud and brutal repression against those who generate the social wealth of the department and the country.
 
The people of Colombia and the world need to know this reality in order to demand that the processors and the government recognize the union organization that is demanding collective bargaining on the list of demands and guarantees of employment stability. This is the only way to reestablish peace in the relations in agro-industrial  production in the geographical valley of the Cauca River
 
National Cane Harvesters’ Union (SINACORTEROS), affiliated with the CUT (CentralLabor Federation)
Calle 19A No. 10-81
Florida
Valle,Colombia
Tells: 310-409-3377, 315-519-5342
sinalcorteros@gmail.com





Colombia Support Network
P.O. Box 1505
Madison, WI  53701-1505
phone:  (608) 257-8753
fax:  (608) 255-6621
e-mail:  csn@igc.org
http://www.colombiasupport.net



 

 

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