COLOMBIA'S SPECTRUM OF SORROWS
New York Times Editorial Page
Jan 3, 1998

When Americans think of Colombia's problems, they think of cocaine. To Colombians, however, drugs are only one of many burdens. Colombia's institutions are besieged by a seemingly endless guerrilla war, paramilitary death squads, an army supportive of the paramilitaries and defiant of civilian authority, and hundreds of thousands of peasant refugees crowding the cities. Political violence now kills more than 10 Colombians a day.

Only the Colombians can solve these problems, but outsiders can help. For Washington this means broadening its focus beyond cocaine. The annual process of certifying whether countries are complying with anti-drug efforts is a blunt instrument that infuriates Colombians and dampens Washington's influence on other issues. Because of President Ernesto Samper's alleged ties to traffickers, Washington all but declared him persona non grata. This understandable response has nevertheless undercut civilian authority and increased the influence of the hemisphere's most abusive military. So has Washington's emphasis on a largely ineffective military war on drugs. Praise for Colombia's military reinforces its belief that it can defy civilians and commit abuses at will.

Washington should begin by pressing the military to respect civilian orders to arrest paramilitary death squads. These groups are responsible for most political murders. Some traffic in cocaine and get money from traffickers. They aim at civilians. Massacres of peasants are frequent, and dozens of human rights workers have been killed. Last fall, paramilitaries killed 11 Government officials on their way to seize a drug baron's ranch. The evidence is overwhelming that the paramilitaries have close links with the military and often do the army's dirty work. The army says it cannot find the paramilitary leader Carlos Castano, although reporters visit him at his headquarters.

International organizations must also speak out more forcefully on the need to arrest the paramilitaries. The United Nations human rights office has made few public statements on the issue. Outsiders, including Washington, can also press the military to respect civilian institutions, especially the justice system. They should encourage passage of a bill that President Samper recently proposed after years of military opposition. It would take many crimes out of the jurisdiction of military courts, where soldiers virtually always go free.

Colombia's military should also be encouraged to back new opportunities for peace. While his predecessor openly defied the Government's peace efforts, a new armed forces commander has indicated he might be more supportive. The war, raging for decades, is at a stalemate. The guerrillas commit about a third of all political killings. Last fall they murdered and terrorized political candidates. Some units protect and tax drug laboratories and transport flights in the areas they control.

The Government has pursued talks, but the guerrillas, who seem deaf to all outsiders, have sent mixed messages. They may be waiting until Mr. Samper is replaced by a politically stronger president in August. But popular momentum for peace is strong. Colombians overwhelmingly approved a recent referendum on peace. Even hard-line business leaders have put forth peace plans.

The past year has seen the welcome beginning of a broader United States policy. Although Washington will give Colombia perhaps $20 million in military aid this year, a much-needed new law blocks aid from going to foreign military units with records of abuse unless the abusers are being prosecuted. It requires aggressive monitoring of the military, however. Washington will do that only if it truly recognizes that its long-term interests in Colombia lie with strengthening civilian rule.